Downs (1957) has proposed that new political parties may be formed in order to change the policy positions of established parties. Rather than seeking to implement their own manifestos directly from government office, some new parties may seek to influence the manifestos of established parties in order to see their policy goals realized. While the notion is old, it has not been studied extensively. This paper seeks to find out under what conditions established parties take over policy positions specific to new parties. It looks at two points in time when an established party can do so: in anticipation, i.e., before a new party enters parliament, and in reaction, i.e., after a new party has entered parliament. To this end, the paper will study the anticipatory behaviour and reactions of all established parties to all new parties entering the Dutch political system since 1946.

This paper analyzes the way the Flemish administration dealt with the competence transfer in the field of agriculture it experienced in 2001-2002. The main research question goes as follows: “Which factors have an impact on a successful competence transfer in the context of a state reform”. This research shows that the decision-making process has a negative impact on that success because of the difficulties the administration experiences with the translation of the vague political compromises in the law. On the other hand, there is evidence that the change management willingness and capacity of the ‘receiving’ Flemish and ‘losing’ federal administration have a positive influence on that success.

The Belgian politico-administrative relationship is known for its large ministerial cabinets who operate as interfaces between ministers and civil servants. According to Dierickx & Majersdorf (1994) ministerial cabinets are the central nodes in the Belgian policy-making networks, reducing the policy role of civil servants and shielding them from all relevant policy-making interactions. They found that pressure groups hardly ever turned to civil servants and stated that civil servants lived in an administrative beguinage. This article tests whether the conclusions of Dierickx & Majersdorf (1994) are still valid. Next, it seeks to explore the policy-making interactions of both actors in a more detailed way, since Dierickx & Majersdorf (1994) only measured the frequency of their contacts, not the direction, goal and/or content of the interactions. Based on a unique written survey-research among top civil servants and ministerial advisers, we discuss the role differences with regard to their interactions in four ‘arenas’