The importance of the problem lies not so much in the constitutional texts (these texts, since 1831, have practically not varied in Belgium), but in the constitutional practice. In the practical powers Leopold I acquired on the eve of his reign in 1831 (presiding over the Council of Ministers, being the effective head of the army, having a personal diplomatie activity), foreign examples are quite visible. They are less visible in the process which led to the loss of these powers. The Constitution itself gave to the King two effective powers, which he could exercisepersonally; he could dismiss his ministers, and dissolve Parliament. In both respects, for more than a century, the King actually took personal decisions. Lately he has no langer been able to do so and his former powers are now practically in the hands of the Prime Minister. The influence of the British model is here quite evident.