In 2015 Amsterdam introduced a new primary school admissions system. This system is rooted in various desegregation pilots, including two based on the ‘controlled choice’ approach. In conjunction with one of these pilots located in West Amsterdam, we researched the criteria parents used while thinking about (de-)segregation in primary schools and parents’ attitudes regarding the controlled choice approach. Due to political developments between 2008 and 2011, we considered our data useless for policy discussions. The introduction of a new admissions system, however, gives our data a newfound relevance. This article therefore describes how parents in socio-economically diverse neighbourhoods think about segregation and school choice. The 249 parents we interviewed or surveyed supported schools with a ‘good mix’, but they had diverging opinions about the meaning of such terms. The parents were optimistic with regard to controlled choice, even if this could in some ways limit their own options. We conclude that the political resistance to desegregation at the primary school level cannot be justified by empirically unfounded claims about the perceptions and preferences of parents. We hope that our findings may lead to empirically grounded policy evaluation and policy making.

In the 1990’s, the Dutch social democrats were trailblazers of what became known internationally as the politics of the Third Way, a new middle course between social democracy and neoliberalism. From the start, the Dutch Third Way distinguished itself from its Anglo-Saxon counterparts by its implicit character. The Dutch social democrat party (Partij van de Arbeid, PvdA) never fully embraced the Third Way and has sought to downplay the idea of a break with traditional social democratic thinking, combining Third Way practice with more classical social democratic rhetoric. The resulting political ambiguity, this paper argues, is at the centre of the present identity crisis of the social democrat party. Even though Third Way ideology has at times been declared dead, the range of attitudes, strategies and policy proposals that were introduced under its banner, still play a vital and prominent role in Dutch politics. While in the UK and the US, communitarianism was from the very beginning a defining feature of the Third Way, in the Netherlands this only came to the fore in 2012 under the leadership of Samsom and Asscher, and in the plea for a participation society under the Rutte II government. Leading us to conclude that the reports of the Third Way’s death are greatly exaggerated.

Reflection and debate initiates academically inspired discussions on issues that are on the current policy agenda.

Reflection and debate initiates academically inspired discussions on issues that are on the current policy agenda.

Reflection and debate initiates academically inspired discussions on issues that are on the current policy agenda.

In this feature authors discuss recent research findings that are of interest to readers of Beleid en Maatschappij.

In this feature authors discuss recent research findings that are of interest to readers of Beleid en Maatschappij.

In this feature authors discuss recent research findings that are of interest to readers of Beleid en Maatschappij.

In this feature authors discuss recent research findings that are of interest to readers of Beleid en Maatschappij.

In this feature authors review recently published books on subjects of interest to readers of Beleid en Maatschappij.

The most relevant part of a discussion is not what is discussed but what cannot be spoken of. The real taboos are those for which it is taboo to call them taboos. The status quo defines itself as non-ideological while denouncing any challenge to itself as radical.
Therefore the column ‘De Blinde Vlek’ frames the framers, politicizes the status quo and articulates what is not heard of.