Zoekresultaat: 22 artikelen

x
Jaar 2003 x
Article

Lobbying in de Europese Unie

Is er nog toekomst voor nationale belangengroepen?

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2003
Auteurs Pieter Bouwen
Samenvatting

    This article studies the lobbying strategies of national business associations against the background of increasing Europeanization. It addresses the question whether national associations have withered away during the process of European integration. On the basis of neo-functionalist integration theory and the multi-level governance (MLG) perspective, a number of hypotheses are generated about the fate of national associations in the European integration process. An extensive empirica[ study of the EU financial services sector analyzes these hypotheses. The data show that European financial integration has not caused the withering away of national business associations as predicted by neofunctionalist theory. The data not only confirm the MLG hypothesis that national associations develop direct lobbying strategies at different levels of the EU multi-level system in order to gain access to the European decision-making process. In addition, the results also confirm the hypothesis that national associations undertake indirect lobbying strategies (through membership in European associations) with the aim of gaining institutional access. Finally, the degree to which national associations gain access to the European institutions is explained in terms of a theory of supply and demand for access goods.


Pieter Bouwen

    A significant international literature has shown that political fragmentation the existence of multiple parties in a governing body - affects policy-making. Indeed, an increase in the number of parties increases the number of viewpoints considered, but on the other hand may also lead to a decrease in government flexibility. This paper first of all shows that Flemish municipalities often have fragmented governments as measured by the number of parties represented in the municipal council and the College of Mayor and Alderman. We also show that this fragmentation at the local level affects policy-making, though not necessarily in the same directions found in the international literature.


Benny Geys
Article

Politiek als One-Man-Show

Over de rol van kranten in de personalisering van de politiek

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2003
Auteurs Peter Van Aelst en Kristel Van Mierlo
Samenvatting

    There seems a growing consensus on the personalisation of politics, meaning that not parties but more and more individual politicians have become the central actors in politics. The media, and especially television, are given a prominent role in this tendency towards 'candidate centred politics'. In this article we discuss the role of newspapers in this regard. Is there a more personalised and less party political way of reporting in the written press? On the basis of a longitudinal study (1958-1999) of two Flemish newspapers we found only a modest and gradual tendency towards a personalisation of politics. Political parties have not been removed to the backstage of political reporting and remain a dominant player in the written press.


Peter Van Aelst

Kristel Van Mierlo
Article

Het Europa van de opportunities

Analyse van de overlevingsstrategie van de christen-democraten in de Europese Unie

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2003
Auteurs Steven Van Hecke
Samenvatting

    While Christian Democratic parties in several Western European countries are often said to be in crisis, the European People's Party holds the largest parliamentary group in the European Parliament since 1999. This paradox relies on the specificity of the different 'national' electoral logics on the one hand and the realisation of a long-term 'European' majority strategy on the other hand. The alliance with Conservatives and Conservative parties has to overcome an absolute electoral decline in 'old' EU countries and a relative decline through the accession of 'new' member states without Christian Democratic parties. The EPP majority strategy is realised through various ways: the key position of the transnational party and party group, the role of political leadership, the way of decision making, the co-operation with side-organisations, the problem-solving of ideological conflicts, etc. Our analysis proves how the majority strategy of the European Christian Democrats realises its ultimate 'survival strategy' despite (or thanks to) several nationalparty crises.


Steven Van Hecke
Article

Tevredenheid over het lokaal beleid in Gent

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2003
Auteurs Carl Devos, Herwig Reynaert en Dries Verlet
Samenvatting

    According to the new public management, the interaction between (local) governments and their citizens should be "client oriented". It is considered crucial for (local) policy-makers that they know how citizens perceive the policy process, that they know if citizens are satisfied with policy outcomes. Our empirical study deals with the satisfaction with global local policy. We examine the main determinants of satisfaction with global local policy. This study is based on a face-to-face survey among citizens entitled to vote in Ghent. More than 1500 respondents, spread over 2 surveys, took part in our research. Attention is also paid to the satisfaction with more specific aspects of local policy. We linked the voter's satisfaction with the global local policy to a wide range of traditional and less traditional independent variables. Finally, we discuss the satisfaction of the electorate of the different political parties.


Carl Devos

Herwig Reynaert

Dries Verlet

Jo Noppe

    After four years of a so called «Rainbow» coalition, which had the support of the Socialists (red), the Liberals (blue) and the Greens, the electorate rewarded the first two political families and inflicted a crushing defeat on the Greens. The latter lost nearly 60 % of their electorate, which had occurred only once before to a political party since the introduction of universal suffrage in Belgium in 1919. The outcome of the elections is fairly similar in the three regions of the country. In Flanders, the Socialists progress by more than 8 %, reaping the benefits of the alliance formed with «Spirit», one of the successor parties of the former Volksunie. Half of the Socialists' progress can be attributed to this effect. Moreover, the Socialist party started off from an absolute low hit in 1999 and has not regained its top scores of the 1960s. The advance of the Liberal VLD is more modest, (some 2.5 %), but it followed upon excellent previous results. With some 25 % of the vote, the VLD, which is the first party in Flanders, has reached an absolute high. Conversely, the Christian Democrats of the CD&V slightly regress, thereby continuing a downward trend. These results take them to their historical low, and make them into Flanders ' third party, with some 21.9 % of the vote. Agalev, the Green party, no langer has any representation in parliarnent and falls back from11 to 3.85 %. The far right, the Vlaams Blok, continues its advance and reaches 17,86 %, an increase of 2,5 %. In Wallonia too one observes a significant advance of the Socialists. The PS remains the first party in the South of the country with 36.39 % of the vote, progressing by 7 %. It exceeds all its results of the previous twelve years, without however reaching its earlier highs. The Liberals of the Mouvement Réformateur (MR) gain 3.65 % and are at their historical high with 28.38 % of the vote. The Christian Democrats, under the denomination CDH (Centre democrate humaniste) slip back by some 1.5 %, but this decline is almost equivalent to the result of a dissident list of the CDH, which had wanted to maintain «christian» as a reference. This doesn't alter the fact that the Christian Democrats have also reached their all time low. The Greens, Ecolo, lose some 57 % of their vote and stand at 7.45 %. In contrast with 1999, one observes a slight advance ofthe Front National, a far right party, that only obtained 5.56 % of the vote however. With the exception ofan increase in the French and a decline in the Flemish vote, the Brussels districts show the same characteristics as the two other regions of the country; a very significant advance of the Socialists, a slight increase in the Liberal vote, the collapse of the Greens; the status quo ofthe Christian Democrats and an advance of the far right with almost 2 %. The 2003 election therefore seems to be a correction on the 1999 one, where the advance of the greens had been amplified by the dioxineJood scare. But the width of the swing makes it into one of the elections where the volatility of the vote will have been the highest.


William Fraeys
Article

De Europese eenmaking in de Vlaamse publieke opinie

onbekendheid, onverschilligheid, gelatenheid of machteloosheid

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 2003
Auteurs Wilfried Dewachter
Samenvatting

    Unlike France, Denmark, Sweden, Austria and other E.U. countries Belgium has not yet organised a referendum on European policy matters, however important these may be. So one is constrained to opinion polls and survey data to grasp the attitude of the Flemish community towards European integration. Five important policy matters are examined: the introduction of the euro, the involvement in E.U. countries, the enlargement of the E.U., the institutional design and the position ofthe Flemish community in the E.U. At the end, with about 20 % of the electorale trying to follow the intricate European polities, on the whole public opinion on Europe in Flanders seem to be a mixture of unfamiliarity, indifference, resignation and acceptance of the policy advocated by the elitist consensus in Belgium on these matters. The missing impetus is the incentives provided by a referendum to become concerned with the complex policy-making and policies in Europe.


Wilfried Dewachter

Mark Deweerdt
Article

Belgian politics in 2002

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 2003
Auteurs Sam Depauw en Mark Deweerdt

Sam Depauw

Mark Deweerdt

Mark Deweerdt

Jo Noppe

    At 18 May 2003, elections for both the Belgian House of Representatives and Senate were held within a new institutional framework: among others the constituencies were enlarged. The percentage of voters casting a preferential vote increased again, reaching the highest score ever with 66,5 %for the House and 68,0 %for the Senate. Voters can also cast a vote for several candidates figuring on the same party list, which was not done very frequently in the past. The number of preference votes on one ballot increased enormously, with naw on average 2,23 for the House and 2,37 for the Senate. More candidates than ever succeeded in becoming elected out of the order of the party list, which was mostly decisive in the past. The new electoral laws are one reason for these changes, togethers with some political and social evolutions, such as individualism, anti-party feelings and mediatisation.


Bram Wauters
Article

Van euro naar uitbreiding: de Europese Unie in 2002

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 2003
Auteurs Bart Kerremans en Edith Drieskens
Samenvatting

    The European Union stepped into the year 2002 with mixedfeelings. On the one hand, the anthraxcrisis and the war in Afghanistan remembered of the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. On the other hand, the introduction of the euro notes and coins created a EU-wide feeling of euphoria. In the following twelve months, EU activity was mainly dominated by the impeding eastern enlargement. Moreover, in 2002, the institutional foundations were laid ofwhat will turn out to be one of the mostfundamental transformations ofthe European construction in EU history. As most of these activities will be settled in the years to come, asfor 2002, especially the starting point - the introduction of the euro coins and notes -and the end point- the decision ofthe Copenhagen European Council to welcome Cyprus, Estonza, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovenia, the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic in 2004 into the European family - will remain printed in the European memory.


Bart Kerremans

Edith Drieskens
Article

Participation gouvernementale et adaptation organisationnelle

une analyse qualiquantitative comparée des partis écologistes en Europe occidentale

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 2003
Auteurs Benoît Rihoux en Sakura Yamasaki
Samenvatting

    This contribution explores the reciprocal links between the organisational transformation of Western European Green parties and the access of some of these parties to national government participation. On the one hand, a series of hypotheses with regard to the possible link between prior organisational adaptation and eventual access to governmental participation are examined. On the other hand, the opposite question is addressed: that of the potential impact of governmental participation on further organisational adaptation. Following both a qualitative and Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), one does ultimately identify a link between prior organisational adaptation and eventual access to government, but a much more indirect and contrasted link between governmental participation and further organisational adaptation.


Benoît Rihoux

Sakura Yamasaki

    Although communication and discussion between rank and file members and the party leadership are at the heart of party congresses, most parties meet a lot of difficulties in organising truly democratie party conferences. The party leadership has a natural tendency to try to influence the decision-making process. In this article, we identify thirteen conditions fora democratic party conference. They vary from the decision whether or not to organise a conference, over the conference' s theme and the designation of the chair of the conference on to the electoral formula to accept amendments to the proposed resolutions (e.g. simple majority or two-third majority). The thirteen conditions stem from avery long and extensive participatory observation, combined with the analysis of numerous party conferences in Belgium, over the last couple of decades. This enables also to point out some shifting tendencies in the Belgian party congresses since World War II.


Wilfried Dewachter
Article

Inspraak of Samenspraak?

Voorwaarden tot, kenmerken en gevolgen van een breuklijnoverstijgende catch-all partij

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 2003
Auteurs Wouter Beke
Samenvatting

    Political parties are at the centre of democratic and parliamentary systems. The current classic political parties are expressions of societal cleavages of the nineteenth and twentieth century. After the Second World War, those parties look for new strategies to assure important parts of the electorate. One of the strategies is to integrate the existent cleavages into the party itself. But this kind of integration is not without ideological and organisational consequences. These cleavages manifest themselves within the party as subgroups and have to respect some overarching loyalties. As far as the internal decision making process is concerned, they have some consequences as well. Rules of pacification have to be respected when the integration of cleavages has to be recognizable and successful. The disadvantage of these rules of pacification is the absence of a formal active involvement of the party on the ground. At the same time, the presence of subgroups can lead to realdemocratic involvement and even discourage oligarchie tendencies.


Wouter Beke

    A comparative study of the literature on party changes shows that there are many different views on why and how parties change. The existing literature is rather theoretical. Most authors have based their model on a survey of a limited number of parties. The only general conclusion one can draw is that both external and internal factors can provoke party changes. In this contribution, we concentrate on the role of the internal factors. We find that change is less likely to happen when the party is divided in several factions. Furthermore the party organisation influences the changes. In highly institutionalised parties changes wil be more difficult than in less organised parties. Finally the role of the party president cannot be neglected. He has to analyse and interpret the external challenges. Only if he thinks that a change is necessary, the party is likely to change. In brief, party change is a dynamic process that is led by the party elite.


Tom Verstraete
Article

Jongerenafdelingen van politieke partijen

Een onderzoek naar hun recruteringsfunctie en hun functioneren binnen Vlaamse politieke partijen

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 2003
Auteurs Marc Hooghe en Patrick Stouthuysen
Samenvatting

    Despite the fact that numerous political parties in Western democracies include separate youth chapters, these have not been studied systematically in political research. There are two reasons to study youth chapters: we know youth participation has strong and enduring political socialisation effects, while several authors have expressed concern about a decline of political engagement among adolescents. Our assumption is that youth chapters fulfil two functions within a party: recruitment of members and ideological innovation. Given the structural evolution toward cartel parties (Katz & Mair), both functions have become partly obsolete. Youth chapters of Flemish political parties have indeed lost 70 percent of their members since the 1970s. A survey among city councillors confirms the recruitment,function of,youth chapters: 41 percent of them started their political career in youth chapters. The demise of youth chapters therefore can be seen as a clear indication of a structural transformation of political parties.


Marc Hooghe

Patrick Stouthuysen

Gerrit Voerman
Toont 1 - 20 van 22 gevonden teksten
« 1
U kunt door de volledige tekst zoeken naar alle artikelen door uw zoekterm in het zoekveld in te vullen. Als u op de knop 'Zoek' heeft geklikt komt u op de zoekresultatenpagina met filters, die u helpen om snel bij het door u gezochte artikel te komen. Er zijn op dit moment twee filters: rubriek en jaar.