Zoekresultaat: 19 artikelen

x
Jaar 2002 x
Article

Het rechtsvormingsproces inzake euthanasie in België

Politieke verklaringen en vergelijkende beschouwingen

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2002
Auteurs Maurice Adams
Samenvatting

    On the 16th of May 2002, the Belgian House of Representatives approved of a Bill on euthanasia. Belgium is now the second country in the world, next to the Netherlands, that has legislation which under certain conditions legitimizes euthanasia (i.e. intentionally terminating life by another person than the person concerned, at this persons request). In this article the Belgian legislative procedure on euthanasia is looked upon from a political point of view. To be able do so first of all the legal context on euthanasia before the new bill was approved of has to be discussed. Then the political history of the process of legal change with regard to euthanasia is analysed from 1980 onwards. And finally the Belgian process of legal change on this subject is compared with the process of legal change in the Netherlands.


Maurice Adams
Article

Belgium's Adaptation to the EU

Does Federalism Constrain Europeanisation?

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2002
Auteurs Peter Bursens
Samenvatting

    This article starts from the observation that the Belgian level of adaptation to the requirements posed by its membership of the European Union is surprisingly low. Following an institutionalist line of thinking, it is argued that the impact of the European Union is seriously constrained by the characteristics of the Belgian federal system. This results into defining both cultural (1) and structural (2) indicators for the degree of Europeanisation: (1) European opinions and awareness of political elites and the general public and (2) the Belgian domestic organisation of European co-ordination mechanisms. The article more concretely argues that the European opinions and European awareness of the political elites and the public opinion are coloured by an inwards-looking mentality that stems from the dominant focus on the ongoing federalisation process. In addition, it is also found that the limited Europeanised installation and outcomes ofthe European co-ordination mechanisms are at least partly shaped by hard and soft federal elements


Peter Bursens
Article

In het oog, in het hart?

De Antwerpse districtsraadsverkiezingen en de kloof tussen burger en bestuur

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2002
Auteurs Peter Thijssen en Danny Van Assche
Samenvatting

    Together with the city council elections, the citizens of Antwerp elected on 8 October 2000 nine district councils. This new decentralised political level is primarily initiated to restore the confidence of the citizens in the city (and district) government(s). By analysing the results of the city and the district elections we try to find indications whether citizens feel closer to their new district governments or not. Apparently district elections resulted neither in a higher voter turn-out, nor in less blank votes. Nevertheless, there is a significant correlation of voter turn-out and blank votes with population (density) of the districts. And although the differences between the electoral results of the city elections and the district elections are not huge, a different political landscape comes more or less into existence in the several districts. Quite surprisingly the number of list votes is higher on the district elections than on the city elections, while we would have expected a higher number of preferential votes. Correctingfor incumbents and famous candidates on the lists, our initial expectations hold much better. Generally spoken, we can conclude that the district elections do not give much proof of a closer connection between the citizens and the city government. Nevertheless we find some important differences between the districts.


Peter Thijssen

Danny Van Assche
Article

Ministeriële kabinetten als flexibele brug tussen politiek en administratie

Een onderzoek naar de instroom in de ministeriële kabinetten

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2002
Auteurs Christophe Pelgrims
Samenvatting

    Handbooks of political science aften refer to the minister and the civil service as actors in the policy process. In theory, this representation is correct. However, in Belgium and in Flanders ministers construct a ministerial cabinet around them. The cabinet takes over different tasks from policy preparation to evaluation. In this respect, it reduces the civil service to an office that is only responsible for the implementation of policy. Frequently political-historical reasons are used to explain the existence of the system of ministerial cabinets. Nevertheless, these are not the only reasons. Ministerial cabinets also exist because of organisational and cultural reasons. Understanding the ministerial cabinet, means understanding the way ministers want to work. This article highlights the way ministerial cabinets work, with a focus on Human Resources aspects. This gives information in which direction the civil service should move to fulfil the role of a good partner for the minister.


Christophe Pelgrims
Article

In de ban van de koning?

Een verkennend survey-onderzoek naar de structuur van de attitudes van Vlaamse scholieren tegenover de monarchie

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2002
Auteurs Bart Maddens, Jan Tommissen, Dieter Vanhee e.a.
Samenvatting

    A survey amongst 602 Flemish secondary school pupils, aged 17-18, shows that a distinction can be made between two different, albeit closely related, dimensions of royalism: the emotional attachment to the king as a person and to the royal family on the one hand, and the political support for the monarchy on the other. Respondents are predominantly indifferent or negative about the monarchy, particularly on the emotional dimension. A multivariate analysis shows that male and non-churchgoing pupils are more negative on both dimensions. Pupils from migrant families are more positive on the emotional dimension. The scores on both dimensions are higher amongst pupils who identify with Belgium rather than with Flanders, who have strong patriotic feelings and who tend towards an authoritarian attitude. The scores are lower amongst pupils with apreference for a regionalist party. The hypothesis that intense royalist feelings coincide with a general attitude of trust in the political authorities was only confirmed with regard to the emotional dimension, while the political support for the monarchy appears to be detached from the trust in the political authorities.


Bart Maddens

Jan Tommissen

Dieter Vanhee

Wouter Van Mierloo

Karolien Weekers

Mark Deweerdt

Mark Deweerdt

Jo Noppe
Article

Les décisions les plus importantes pour la Wallonie en 2001

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 2002
Auteurs Jean-Claude Van Cauwenberghe, Serge Kubla, José Daras e.a.

Jean-Claude Van Cauwenberghe

Serge Kubla

José Daras

Michel Daerden

Michel Foret

José Happart

Charles Michel

Thierry Detienne

Marie Aréna

Mark Deweerdt
Article

Tussen schok en overgang: de Europese Unie in 2001

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 2002
Auteurs Bart Kerremans en Edith Drieskens
Samenvatting

    Without doubt, the year 2001 will remain identified with the terrorist attacks of september 11. To some extent, this goes for the European Union as well. The events of september 11 left an important mark on the European integration process, of which the development of the European arrest warrant is an important illustration. Nevertheless, as for the European Union, the year 2001 was more than a year of anti-terrorism measures. In the second semester of2001, the Belgian government assumed the presidency ofthe European Union. 2001 was also the year in which, only weeks after street violence disruputed the European Council ofGöteborg, a protester was killed in the margin ofthe G7-G8 Summit in Genova. In 2001, the gap between the European Union and the United States got larger for a number of policy fields, including National Missile Defence and the Kyoto Protocol. Yet, in the autumn of2001, both power blocks reconciliated at the WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar. In Doha, a new global round of trade negotiations was launched. As in previous years, in 2001, the enlargement process was high on the European agenda. As for the latter, for the first time, ten candidate countries were mentioned by name, making their accession in 2004 a more realistic scenario. The eastern enlargement will radically change the face of the European Union. The Belgian presidency anticipated this impeding metamorphosis and stimulated the adoption of the Laeken Declaration in december 2001. The Declaration laid the foundation for the Convention on the Future of Europe which started on February 28, 2002. The Declaration of Laeken was one of the European highlights of 2001. The low point was the Irish referendum of June 7, 2001, in which a majority of the Irish population rejected the Treaty of Nice. Both events reflect the situation the European Union is faced with today, as they demonstrate the growing tension between the desires of «widening» and «deepening» the European construction. The future willreveal how the European Union went with this growing area of tension.


Bart Kerremans

Edith Drieskens
Article

Belgian politics in 2001

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 2002
Auteurs Sam Depauw en Marl Deweerdt

Sam Depauw

Marl Deweerdt
Article

Het uiteenvallen van de Volksunie en het ontstaan van de N-VA en Spirit

Een chronologisch en morfologisch overzicht (juni 1999 - juli 2002)

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 2002
Auteurs Jo Noppe en Bram Wauters
Samenvatting

    At the Belgian parliamentary elections in June 1999, the Flemish nationalist party 'Volksunie' (VU) which formed an alliance with the social-liberal ID21 progressed slightly. On July 10, 1999, the party decided to participate in the purple-green-yellow Flemish government, but at the same time they decided to stay out of the federal Belgian government. Two years later, the VU-Party Bureau decided that due to deep divisions within the party it had become impossible for the party to continue. The 15.000 party members were asked to judge about the future of the party. Because no party project managed to obtain a 50 %-majority in the party member referendum, the VU dissappeared. Two new parties - the 'Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie' (N-VA) and 'Spirit' - emerged from the ruins of the VU. The collapse of the VU can be seen as the most far-reaching change in the Flemish party political context of the last decade. This article focusses on the last two and a half years of the VU and on the first year of the N-VA and Spirit (from June 1999 until July 2002). In a first part, achronological overview is build up. This part provides an overview «from day to day» of the events that played a role in the collapse of the VU and the creation of the N-VA and Spirit. The second part of the article draws amore morphological picture of the VU, the N-VA and Spirit: data are presented about the internal organisation of these parties (info about party meetings, the composition and competences of the leading party structures, internal elections, party mandates, the party employees and numbers of party members). By offering an extensive overview of facts and figures, it is the intention of the authors to provide a solid guidelinefor further investigation.


Jo Noppe

Bram Wauters
Article

Van de Bende Van Nijvel tot Dutroux

een beleidswetenschappelijke analyse van de politiehervorming in de jaren '80 en '90

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 2002
Auteurs Jeroen Maesschalck
Samenvatting

    In May 1998 the Belgian government and Jour opposition parties reached the «Octopus agreement,» deciding on the most comprehensive police reform in Belgian history. However, the problems to which the reform was intended to be a solution were known long before and the basic option of this reform also existed for some time. Hence the research question: why did the reform only take place in May 1998 and not earlier? To answer this question, the paper follows the narrative method: it tells the story that preceded this Octopus agreement from 1980 onwards. That narrative is «codified» in the language of a theoretical framework, a combination of the policy analysis models of Kingdon and Baumgartner and Jones. Together, these models turn out to be very useful to structure the narrative and provide a strong answer to the research question, allowing for analyticgeneralisation andJuture comparison.


Jeroen Maesschalck
Article

Do Quotas Matter?

Positive Actions in the Belgian Parliament

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 2002
Auteurs Mercedes Mateo Diaz
Samenvatting

    Belgium has the particularity ofbeing the only EU Member State to have introduced quotas to its legislation. The type of quota which has been implemented is prioritizing the number, without paying attention to how male and female candidates are positioned on the parties' lists. In the article the author examines the evolution of the number of wamen in Belgian Parliament across time. Comparisons are made within and between parties, before and after the law on quotas. The analysis shows that the effect of quotas to a large degree is dependent on the will of parties to obtain more female representatives. Thus, if the major aim of a legislation on quotas is to impose a balanced gender structure in the representatives' assembly, the legislation ought to consider men's and women's positions on the lists.


Mercedes Mateo Diaz
Article

Op het elan van de democratie

Emoties als mobilisatiefactor in de Belgische politieke geschiedenis

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 2002
Auteurs Marc Hooghe en Gita Deneckere
Samenvatting

    In recent years, several authors have stated that emotions have come to play a more important role in political life, especially in political mass mobilisation. Ouring the 1990s, Belgium and other Western countries have indeed witnessed some spectacular examples of emotion-driven mobilisation. In this article, we argue that emotions are not an innovation in political mass-mobilisation. Various examples from the Belgian political history of the 19th and 20th centuries demonstrate that emotions have always been a key factor for explaining the occurrence, the form and the outcome of political protest. The mobilising role of emotions cannot be considered as aquantitative innovation, and therefore the expression 'new emotional movements' does not seem warranted. We make the claim that these recent mobilisations are not typical because of their reliance on emotions, but rather because of their tendency toward de-institutionalisation.


Marc Hooghe

Gita Deneckere
Article

Eigen democratie eerst!

Een comparatief onderzoek naar het intern democratisch gehalte van de Vlaamse politieke partijen

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 2002
Auteurs Jan Jagers
Samenvatting

    In Flanders, the political scene is divided in two by the 'cordon sanitaire': none of the Flemish political parties want to make any political arrangement with the Vlaams Blok (Flemish Bloc), an extreme-right populistic party that is considered to be undemocratic. The undemocratic reproaches not only refer to the extreme-right ideology, but also point at the internal functioning of the Vlaams Blok. In this article we discuss the results of a comparative study of the articles ofassociation ofthe Flemish political parties. This study was set up to test the undemocratic reproaches by practical experience, and shows that the internal organisation ofthe Vlaams Blok reallyfunctions undemocraticly compared to the other Flemish political parties.


Jan Jagers
Article

Vlaamse actie binnen de CVP/PSC: de Groep van Acht (1960-1968)

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 2002
Auteurs Wouter Beke en Karel Van Nieuwenhuyse

Wouter Beke

Karel Van Nieuwenhuyse
Article

Een verscheurende keuze

Analyse van het stemgedrag van de VU-leden bij de ledenbevraging over het voortbestaan van de partij

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 2002
Auteurs Bram Wauters
Samenvatting

    The Flemish-nationalist party Volksunie ceased to exist in 2001. Due to deep divisions within the party, it was decided to organise a referendum in which each party-member could vote for a project, outlining the future of the party. Since none of the three projects managed to obtain a 50 %-majority, a requisite to preserve the party name, the name Volksunie disappeared and the party was split up in two new parties. In this article we tried to answer the question which members voted for which project. A mail survey was held among a sample of Volksunie-members. Explanations for voting behaviour were found in characteristics of voters, their viewpoints on issues and their appreciation of notable party leaders. Finally, we analysed the second preference-party of the Volksunie-members in order to estimate with which existing parties the two new parties could possibly form future alliances.


Bram Wauters
Interface Showing Amount
U kunt door de volledige tekst zoeken naar alle artikelen door uw zoekterm in het zoekveld in te vullen. Als u op de knop 'Zoek' heeft geklikt komt u op de zoekresultatenpagina met filters, die u helpen om snel bij het door u gezochte artikel te komen. Er zijn op dit moment twee filters: rubriek en jaar.