Zoekresultaat: 19 artikelen

x
Jaar 1999 x
Article

Leven en werk van de kabinetsleden

Wie zijn de mannen achter de minister en wat doen ze?

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 1999
Auteurs Mik Suetens en Stefaan Walgraeve
Samenvatting

    For many journalists, politicians and political scientists ministerial cabinets in Belgium equal political power. Moreover they argue that this power is, if not illegitimate, at least problematic, and so ministerial cabinets have become one of the most criticised institutions in the Belgian political system. Yet, the lack of empirical data on this controversial topic is striking, certainly when compared to the vast academic attention given to other political agents. There is an urgent need for empirical substance to the debate. This incited us to set up an extensive political-sociological study on the Belgian and Flemish ministerial cabinets. In this article we present the first stage of our study: a classic insight in the (socio-demographic) composition of ministerial cabinets and - to a lesser extent - in the work environment offered by ministerial cabinets of the former government (1995-1999). A first descriptive analysis seems to underpin the commonly held idea of cabinets as networking, loyal, and flexible brain trusts.


Mik Suetens

Stefaan Walgraeve
Article

Vrouwelijke parlementsleden na de verkiezingen van 13 juni 1999

Analyse van de toegang tot een parlementair mandaat

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 1999
Auteurs Kirsten Peirens
Samenvatting

    The ultimate factor which determines the election offemale MP's (23%) in the 7 Belgian elections of 1999 is the position which women are granted on the list ofcandidates of a political party. 74% of the women won their seat through a "favourable place" on the list. The floating of votes and hence of seats between parties are accountable for 23% of the directly elected women. Only in the case were women are great vote- attractors they can swift the useful order of the list: however their number is extremely limited, only 3%. The succession where effective candidates are being replaced accounts for 15% of the final amount of female MP's. As important is the combination of double mandates and cooptation.


Kirsten Peirens
Article

De impact van zachte en harde politieke instituties in Europese besluitvorming

de totstandkoming van de 'Verpakkingsrichtlijn' (94/62/EG)

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 1999
Auteurs Peter Bursens
Samenvatting

    This article argues that both hard and soft institutions shape the strategies and - to a lesser extent - the preferences of political actors in the European Union. First of all, it discusses the institutional perspective in political science and presents an institutional model of decision-making. Secondly the institutional argument is illustrated by a detailed account of the decision-makingprocess with respect to the Packaging Directive. An analysis of the actor configuration, the interactions between the involved actors and an overview of the decision-making process itself, all show to what extent actor's strategies and preferences are constrained and empowerd by the European institutional context.


Peter Bursens
Article

De ontzuildheid nabij?

Een exploratief inhoudsanalytisch onderzoek naar verzuildheid en ontzuiling van de naoorlogse geschreven pers in Vlaanderen

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 1999
Auteurs Bart Distelmans
Samenvatting

    During the postwar period, the Flemish press-scene changed fundamentally. Alongside further commercialization and concentration, a process of structural depoliticization or depillarization took place: (financial) links betweenparties and trade unions on the one hand and newspapers on the other disappeared. This article examines the impact ofthese structural transformations on the newspapers' content. We emphasize marks of (de)pillarization in Flemish newspapers during cabinet formations. In 1958, the press took undeniably sides in the battle between the pillars: information about the formation of the new cabinet formed the background for these fights. In 1981 most attention went to the cabinet formation itself. The pillarization ofthe content was however on a more latent level not neglectable. Compared to 1958 and 1981 the old alliances between press and ideological institutions were far less visible in the content of 1995's newspapers. Apparently the depillarization ofthe Flemish press-content is an ongoing, longlasting process.


Bart Distelmans
Article

Gesplitst stemmen bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 21 mei 1995

een analyse op basis van surveydata

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 1999
Auteurs Bart Maddens
Samenvatting

    The 1995 simultaneous election of three legislative assemblies (Senate, lower Chamber and regional councils) offered the Belgian voters an opportunity to split their ballot between three different parties. An analysis of Flemish individual level survey data shows that 76.1% cast a straight ticket vote, white 20.9 % split their tickets between two and 3 % between three different parties. Ticketsplitting occurs most frequently amongst voters who mention the personality of individual politicians or the issues as a reason to support a party. In addition, the likehood of ticket-splitting increases amongst the higher educated and the non-partisans. No support was found for the hypothesis that ticket-splitters in a multi-party system tend to lean towards one party on some issues and towards the other party on others. Instead, ticket-splitters generally take a position in between two parties. No evidence was found of a differential issue impact across elections, in this sense that regional issues are more critical to regional elections and federal issues to federal elections.


Bart Maddens
Article

De persistentie van verzuiling op microniveau in Vlaanderen

Een analyse van surveydata over lidmaatschap, zuilintegratie, stemgedrag en maatschappelijke houdingen

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 1999
Auteurs Marc Hooghe
Samenvatting

    An analysis of survey data on membership, pillarisation, voting behaviour and attitudes. Belgian society is traditionally portrayed as heavily pillarised, i.e. having a system of exclusive linkages between voluntary associations and political parties, resulting in the formation of a catholic, a socialist and a liberal 'pillar' within society. Recently, several authors have questioned the validity oft his model. Our survey of the Flemish population, however, shows that pillarisation is an enduring feature of Flemish society. Membership of voluntary associations, trade unions and health insurance organisations remains ideologically motivated, and shows a high degree ofconsistency in this respect. Integration into a 'pillar' exerts a strong influence on voting behaviour, although this effect weakens in younger generations. Pillars also have significant, but weaker effects on attitudes like individualism, trust and solidarity. In the social capital research tradition, these differential effects of membership are often neglected. Although there are signs that pillarisation weakens in Fiemish society, the system certainly has not disappeared.


Marc Hooghe

Peter Biondi

Mark Deweerdt
Article

Les élections législatives et européennes du 13 juin 1999

Analyse des résultats

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 1999
Auteurs William Fraeys
Samenvatting

    On june 13th, the Belgian voters had to choose their representatives in four assemblies: the European Parliament, the Chamber of Representatives, the Senate, and the Regional Council of either the Flemish, the Walloon or the Brussels Capital regions accordingly. Thus these elections made it possible to measure possible differences in the results a same list obtained in the different polls. These differences could be observed for some lists, but not for all and were essentially due to the personality of certain candidates rather than to a political will to differentiate, with the exception perhaps of the Ecologists, who traditionally perform better in European elections. These elections also saw an increased use of computer based voting: some 44 % of the registered voters had to express their choice via a computer screen. As a consequence one observed a sensitive drop in "blank and spoilt" ballots. The elections have been characterized by several phenomena. First, there was a marked decline, amounting to some 10 % of the votes, in the support for the parties of the outgoing majority: christian democrats and socialists. In losing each somewhat less than 5 %, they have both hit their historical low and together no langer hold a simpte majority in Parliament. The liberal family bas become the largest in Belgium, which had never accured since the introduction of the single vote system (1919). This first position was conquered more through the decline in the results of the socialists and the christian democrats than via a true advance of the liberals. Though the Flemish component of the liberals progressed by 1.14 %, the French-speaking wing receded by 0.13 %. The overall winners of the elections are the ecologists who on the whole climb from 8. 44 % to 14.36 %. This progression is ho wever proportionately much more marked for the French-speaking component (Ecolo) than for the Flemish part (Agalev). Ecolo bas become the thirdmost important party of Wallonia and the second one in Brussels, whereas Agalev remains the fifth party in Flanders. The extremist parties have had diverging results. The extreme left remains altogether very marginal in Belgium (about 1 %), whereas the extreme right appears to be a typically Flemish phenomenon. Indeed, the Vlaams Blok increases its share of votes by 3.12 % and with 15.31 % has become the third party in Flanders and thereby even surpasses somewhat the result obtained by the VN.V in 1939. The French-speaking extreme right suffered a decline due among others to internal divisions and only stands for 4.09 % in Wallonia and 4 % in Brussels. As a consequence of these results the composition of the assemblies has changed drastically. To constitute a government holding a simpte majority in the Chamber of Representatives, one needs at least three political families (i.e. 6 parties) or two families and the support of another party (5 parties). In the Flemish parliament, one needs either a three party coalition, but necessarily comprising the CVP, or a four party coalition to obtain a majority. In the Walloon parliament, a two party coalition is only possible if the PS participates. In Brussels, the Vlaams Blok, although passing from 2 to 4 seats, bas not succeeded in paralysing the functioning of the institutions as this party didn't obtain the majority in the Flemish group.Opinion polls held before the elections had forecast the direction in which votes would shift, but not the extent. The dioxine crisis bas reinforced this shift and has undoubtedly accentuated the progression of the ecologist lists.


William Fraeys
Article

Belgian politics in 1998

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 1999
Auteurs Stefaan Fiers en Mark Deweerdt

Stefaan Fiers

Mark Deweerdt

Mark Deweerdt

Bram Wauters
Article

De eigenheid van regio's in Europa

Een bijdrage tot het debat over regiovorming

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 1999
Auteurs Hendrik Vos
Samenvatting

    Since the regional level has become important in European politics, it is necessary to examine the specifity of the regions. This contribution is a first attempt to develop a model to measure 'regional specifity' for the ten criteria which are most often used to define regions in academic literature. A first application of the model (for the NUTS1-regions) makes clear the characteristics of those regions and gives an understanding of the process of regionbuilding as well. Most regions with a certain degree of political autonomy do have a specificity on more criteria than those regions without any autonomy. These empirical data give a scientific basis to the thesis that regional specificity is (consciously or unconsciously, and at least to a certain degree) constructed by regional authorities.


Hendrik Vos

    The party executive is the most important organ within a political party especially in Belgium which is charaterised as one of the strongest particracies in Western Europe. Focusing on the functioning of the party executive within the CVP (1959-1960) and the BSP (1956-1957) at a moment both parties govern with the Liberal Party as coalition partner, the attendances and interventions within the party executive show a group of approximately fives persons playing a predominant role in the decision making process. In both cases the party president is the most important and powerful person. The almost complete absence of government membres within the party executive of the CVP forms a remarkabledifference to the BSP. The relationship between party and government is quite different in both parties. In the BSP the cooperation and support between party and government is much better than within the CVP.


Peter Biondi
Article

Het voorzitterschap van Kamer en Senaat in België (1918-1974)

Van parlementaire autonomie naar partijdige afhankelijkheid

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 1999
Auteurs Emmanuel Gerard
Samenvatting

    This article analyses the election of the Speakers of both houses of the Belgian parliament, the House of Representatives and the Senate, in the period 1918-1974. According to the Belgian constitution, the election of the Speaker is a competence of each house. As can be expected in a system of parliamentary government, the Speakers belong to the government majority, as they did already before 1914. But with the disappearance of a homogeneous majority and the need for cabinet coalitions after 1918 - result of the proportional representation - someeffects which tended to erode parliamentary autonomy more substantially occurred. At several occasions the election of the Speakers was postponed until the result of cabinet formation was known. In addition, the coalition parties had to make an agreement for the partition of the two Speakers' positions. The coalition practice also affected procedure. Since agreements were less easily implemented in a secret ballot, the provisions of the parliamentary statute were put aside for an election by acclamation to strengthen party discipline. In this context a further shift in the election process occurs: from the parliamentary groups to the party leadership. Eventually, the appointment of the Speakers becamepart of the cabinet formation itself. This practice appears to be firmly established in the 1970' and has been criticized severely. It can be considered one aspect of the decline of parliaments in this period.


Emmanuel Gerard
Article

De samenstelling van de regering en het Belgische belastingbeleid

Een empirisch onderzoek over de periode 1965-1995

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 1999
Auteurs Frank Van Driessche en Astrid Heyndels
Samenvatting

    We analyse whether Belgian (federal) tax policy over the period 1965-1995 was affected by the ideological position of the government. Both the level and composition of taxation are considered. We find no significant ideological effect on the level of the tax burden. The burden has increased systematically over most of the period, irrespective of the ideology of the incumbent. Considering individual tax categories, one can find a significant ideological influence for taxes on financial and capital transactions. Under centre-left oriented governments this tax is lowered whereas it increases under centre-right governments. A possible explanation is that centre-left governments try to stimulate households' wealth acquisition by keeping taxes on transactions of immovable properties low.


Frank Van Driessche

Astrid Heyndels

    The way in which preferential votes of a candidate are spread over a large constituency is analysed for the Belgian Senate elections of 1995 and the European elections of 1994 in Belgium, which are both held in large constituencies. A formula that indicates the concentration of preferential votes controls in each sub-unit of the constituency for the number of votes, the number of votes of the candidate's party and the number of preferential votes. When this variabele is combined with a variabele indicating the total number of preferential votes of a candidate, an interesting classification of nine categories of candidates is archieved. The fact that some candidates have a weak concentration of preferential votes in a sub-unit can be explained either by the social distance between candidate and citizen or by the f act that some candidates, due to their media appearences, are welt known all over the constituency and hence that they obtain an equal share of preferential votes in each sub-unit. The place on the party list and the visibility of a candidate in the campaign have an influence upon the category under which a candidate ressorts.


Bram Wauters

    Party cohesion is crucial in parliamentary proceedings, for the strength of parties is determined by it. However high levels of party unanimity, parliamentary party cohesion is under no circumstances to be taken for granted. It is the outcome of a persistent struggle. From a rational choice point of view, the monitoring and sanctioning of recalcitrant MPs by the parliamentary party leadership is the condition sine qua non for party cohesion. Yet, rewards and punishments do not seem the cement that holds parliamentary parties together. Preliminary findings for the Belgian Chamber of Representatives, show that ministerial appointment, committee transfers, nor party list compilation are used systematicallyto this purpose.


Sam Depauw
Article

De 'Stille Revolutie' op straat

Betogen in België in de jaren '90

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 1999
Auteurs Peter Van Aelst en Stefaan Walgrave
Samenvatting

    All major post-Worldwar political conflicts that made up the face of Belgian polities, were accompagnied by massive protests and intensive demonstration waves. Analysis of newspapers coverage and of the gendarmerie archives confirms this for the nineties. The 1990-1997 period is marked by an increasing number of demonstrations and demonstrators. The disappearance of the ideological and cultural-linguistical actions was, on the one hand, made up for by the further rising of other issues (environmental, anti-racist, judicial, ...), and on the other hand by the near institutionalisation of very classic issues like education or employment, who both secured their place on the street. There is no ground to call the 1990's dull, on the contrary: the number of demonstrations grew steadily and, especially in Flanders, Inglehart's Silent Revolution of Postmaterialist values took to the streets. The wider acceptance of demonstrations as a means of actions, the growing political alienation, and the greater openness of the political system are presented as plausible explanations.


Peter Van Aelst

Stefaan Walgrave
Interface Showing Amount
U kunt door de volledige tekst zoeken naar alle artikelen door uw zoekterm in het zoekveld in te vullen. Als u op de knop 'Zoek' heeft geklikt komt u op de zoekresultatenpagina met filters, die u helpen om snel bij het door u gezochte artikel te komen. Er zijn op dit moment twee filters: rubriek en jaar.