Zoekresultaat: 22 artikelen

x
Jaar 2006 x

    The recent introduction of leadership primaries within the Dutch political parties PvdA, VVD and D66 has attracted much attention, but the opinions about this form of party-reform are divided. This article discusses the reasons for the recent popularity of internal primaries for the selection of the heads of the list of candidates for the national elections and describes the procedures used by the various parties. The article concludes that leader-ship primaries are not always beneficial for parties and democracy. Only if the procedures for primaries are carefully designed and the candidates behave prudently and in an integer way, leadership primaries can have a positive effect on internal party democracy and on the political system as a whole.


Ruud Koole
Prof. dr. R.A. Koole is hoogleraar Nederlandse Politiek. Hij promoveerde op het proefschrift De opkomst van de moderne kaderpartij: veranderende partijorganisatie in Nederland 1960-1990 (Utrecht 1992, Spectrum). Hij publiceerde onder meer over Nederlandse politiek, partijorganisaties, parlementaire fracties, politieke financiën (bijv.: Ruud Koole and Knut Heidar, Parliamentary Party Groups in European Democracies: political parties behind closed doors. London, Routledge, 2000; Ruud Koole en Hans Daalder, 'The Consociational Democracy Model and the Netherlands: Ambivalent Allies?', in: Acta Politica, vol 37, Spring/Summer, 2002, pp. 23-43). Correspondentiegegevens: Departement Politieke Wetenschap, Universiteit Leiden, Postbus 9555, 2300 RB Leiden, 071 527 3936, koole@fsw.leidenuniv.nl
Artikel

De diplomademocratie

Over de spanning tussen meritocratie en democratie

Tijdschrift Beleid en Maatschappij, Aflevering 4 2006
Auteurs Mark Bovens
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    Contemporary western democracies, such the United States, Great Britain, and The Netherlands have become diploma democracies. They are ruled by the well educated, whereas the least educated, even though they still comprise about half of the population, have virtually vanished from most political arenas. Of course, the well educated have always been more politically active than the less educated, but in the past decades this gap has widened substantially. Well-educated citizens are more inclined to vote, to write letters to the editor, or to visit consultative or deliberative meetings than citizens with a low level of education; and most, if not all, members of parliament, all the political officials, and almost all of the political advocates and lobbyists, have college or graduate degrees. The paper substantiates the rise of diploma democracy in The Netherlands, discusses what is problematic about such an educational meritocracy in the context of democracy, and looks at what could be done to mitigate or remedy some of its negative effects.


Mark Bovens
Prof. dr. Mark Bovens is als hoogleraar Bestuurskunde verbonden aan de Utrechtse School voor Bestuurs- en Organisatiewetenschap van de Universiteit Utrecht, Bijlhouwerstraat 6, 3511 ZC Utrecht. Zijn meest recente boek is De digitale republiek: Democratie en rechtsstaat in de informatiemaatschappij (AUP 2003). Correspondentiegegevens: m.a.p.bovens@uu.nl www.usg.uu.nl/research/m.bovens
Artikel

Werk in een wantrouwende wereld

Omvang en oorzaken van een uitdijende controle-industrie

Tijdschrift Beleid en Maatschappij, Aflevering 4 2006
Auteurs Frans van Waarden
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    Fraud seems to be on the rise. That feeds a demand for controls. This paper sketches the diversity of supply in reaction to this demand: public regulators of course, but also commercial information providers and benchmarkers, self-regulating associations, hallmark producers, certification and accreditation bodies, and internal business management control systems, whereby ever more levels of control are piled on top of each other. More than a million Dutchmen earn a living in this booming control-industry, or 14% of the working population. In addition to fraud, other causes of this trend are being discussed, among them, paradoxically, neo-liberalist deregulation policies. All these causes contribute to a sense of risk and uncertainty. Although this trend has a number of negative consequences, it has a major benefit: jobs! Economists may have long thought that transaction costs are there for the transactions. But it looks as if transactions exist to produce transaction costs.


Frans van Waarden
Frans van Waarden is hoogleraar Organisatie en Beleid aan de Universiteit Utrecht en fellow van het University College Utrecht. Hij studeerde sociologie in Toronto en Leiden, was voorheen werkzaam aan de Universiteiten van Leiden en Konstanz en visiting scholar in Wenen, Leipzig, Stanford, Berkeley, het European University Institute in Florence en het NIAS in Wassenaar. Hij publiceerde over arbeidsverhoudingen, techniekgeschiedenis, innovatie, katoenindustrie, belangengroepen en corporatisme, verzorgingsstaat, ondernemersorganisaties, de relatie overheid – bedrijfsleven, openbaar bestuur, stijlen van regelgeving en -handhaving en marktwerking en deregulering. Correspondentiegegevens: Prof. dr. Frans van Waarden, University College, Utrecht University, Postbus 80145, 3508 TC Utrecht Telefoon: +31-30-253-4820 e-mail: F.vanwaarden@fss.uu.nl

Hans Blokland
Hans Blokland studeerde politieke wetenschappen en promoveerde in de sociale en politieke filosofie. Hij was fellow van de Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen en onder meer verbonden aan Yale University, Department of Political Science. Tot zijn recente publicaties behoren Pluralisme, Democratie & Politieke Kennis (Van Gorcum 2005) en Modernization and its Political Consequences (Yale University Press 2006). Zie voor informatie over zijn werk: www.hans-blokland.nl.
Artikel

Life politics: van abstracte theorie naar een bruikbaar model

Bestrijding van overgewicht in Groot-Brittannië en Nederland

Tijdschrift Beleid en Maatschappij, Aflevering 4 2006
Auteurs Carien Scholtmeijer
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    During the last decennium, social theory has provided us with path-breaking insights into the emergence of a new type of social risks (post-industrial, manufactured risks), and on policies which might deal with these risks (life politics; the social investment state). Especially the writings of Anthony Giddens are relevant in this respect. Unfortunately, these abstract ideas have thus far hardly been tested in empirical research. This article aims to fill this gap, by focussing on a telling example of a new, lifestyle related risk, which is the problem of overweight. How useful are Giddens' ideas on risk and social policy when applied in a concrete analysis of this particular problem and related policies? To answer this question, a comparative analysis has been carried out in two welfare states, the British and the Dutch. It will be argued that Giddens' abstract notions can indeed be applied effectively in a practical and fruitful framework for policy analysis. In this respect, the concepts of life politics and the social investment state seem promising, both for the practise and analysis of social policy development in European welfare states.


Carien Scholtmeijer
Drs. Carien Scholtmeijer studeerde bestuurskunde aan de Universiteit Twente (2000-2005), afstudeerrichting bestuurlijke organisatie. Correspondentiegegevens: c.scholtmeijer@alumnus.utwente.nl
Artikel

Grip op de post-Euclidische stad?

Oefeningen in de regio Amsterdam

Tijdschrift Beleid en Maatschappij, Aflevering 2 2006
Auteurs Willem Salet
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    Cities are in stage of transformation under the combined effect of enlargement of scale and the enlargement of scope of urban activities. The enlargement of scale is visible in the regionalization of urban development. Housing markets, labor markets and mobility patterns crystallize at regional level. However, the scaling up of urban life is not just an extension of the city as is experienced over more than a century. The simultaneous enlargement of scope makes the transformation more complex and dependant on external connections, both in the private and the public sector. The essay explores concepts that try to explain the nature of this new complexity. What is the meaning of 'urban space' and 'urban place' under the conditions of globalization? And what are the consequences for the guidance of collective action in the context of multi actor and multi level governance? The nature of urban change is illustrated in the case of the Randstad Holland, in particular the region of Amsterdam.


Willem Salet
Willem Salet is hoogleraar planologie aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam, Faculteit der Maatschappij- en Gedragswetenschappen. Recente publicatie: W. Salet en Stan Majoor, 2005, Amsterdam Zuidas European Space, Rotterdam: 010 Uitgevers. Adres: AMIDSt, Nieuwe Prinsengracht 130, 1018 VZ Amsterdam, e-mail: W.G.M.Salet@uva.nl
Artikel

Hoe effectief sturen provincies op de realisering van windenergie?

Een evaluatie van de Bestuursovereenkomst Landelijke Ontwikkeling Windenergie

Tijdschrift Beleid en Maatschappij, Aflevering 2 2006
Auteurs Marieke van Duyn, Hens Runhaar, Susanne Agterbosch e.a.
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    In the Netherlands, an ambitious policy goal of 1,000 MW of wind power capacity by the year 2000 had already been formulated in 1985 and remained the official basis for wind energy policy until 2000. The pace of realisation of wind turbines however did not keep up with this policy objective. An important reason is that it proves difficult to provide enough locations for wind turbines in spatial plans. Over the last 15 years two covenants have been concluded between the Dutch central government and provinces in order to overcome this problem: the 1991-Governmental Agreement on Planning Problems Wind Energy (BPW), and the 2001-Governmental Agreement on the National Development Wind Energy (BLOW). In the BLOW provinces have agreed to work towards the realisation of wind turbines with a total capacity of 1,500 MW in 2010. For this purpose provinces need the co-operation of municipalities, wind power project developers and local communities. Municipalities have a crucial role because of their discretion of detailed allocation of land use in local spatial plans. They are no partners to the covenant however. Provinces can use several governance strategies for mobilising co-operation: from top-down governance in which provinces specify locations to bottom-up approaches in which the initiatives are left to municipalities and project developers. This paper compares both covenants and assesses the effectiveness of different governance strategies employed by three distinct provinces.


Marieke van Duyn
Marieke van Duyn is beleidsmedewerkster bij de Zuid-Hollandse Milieudefensie.

Hens Runhaar
Hens Runhaar is universitair docent Adres: Copernicus Instituut voor Duurzame Ontwikkeling en Innovatie, Universiteit Utrecht Postbus 80115, 3508 TC Utrecht, h.runhaar@geo.uu.nl

Susanne Agterbosch
Susanne Agterbosch is promovendus.

Marco Tieleman
Marco Tieleman is sr. adviseur bij CEA.
Artikel

De Koning en de spreektelegraaf

Een begrippenkader voor de bestudering van de invloed van overheidsincentives op innovatieve ondernemingen

Tijdschrift Beleid en Maatschappij, Aflevering 2 2006
Auteurs Helen Stout en Martin de Jong
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    Traditionally, technological transitions in infrastructure bound sectors are matters for the private sector. History teaches us that as soon as technological transitions proved successful, government sooner or later got involved with the distribution. Most of this involvement, both in history and now, has taken the form of public regulation with the help of various formal legal instruments.

    This article aims to answer three questions, namely (1) what ideational and materials drives can be distinguished in the government's involvement in these technological transitions, (2) through what legal instruments are these objectives expressed and how , and (3) what are the incentives of these formal legal instruments on innovative private entrepreneurs for their further technological pursuits. How were their behavioural options affected by the use of statutory acts, concessions, permits and/or licences? Incentives to private innovators are qualified as positive, neutral or negative. The research method chosen has been inspired by insights from legal sociology, public choice theory and strategic actor behaviour in qualitative simulation-games, but follows distinct methodological steps. Throughout the article a case study on the transition from telegraphy to telephony in The Netherlands will be used to illustrate the discussion.


Helen Stout
Prof. mr. dr. Helen Stout is hoogleraar Recht en Infrastructuren aan de Technische Universiteit Delft, h.d.stout@tbm.tudelft.nl, tel. (015)-278 54 16

Martin de Jong
Dr. Martin de Jong is universitair hoofddocent aan de Technische Universiteit Delft, w.m.dejong@tbm.tudelft.nl, tel. (015)-278 80 52

Duco Bannink
Duco Bannink is als universitair docent verbonden aan de Universiteit van Twente. Adres: Universiteit Twente, Faculteit Bedrijf, Bestuur en Technologie, Postbus 217, 7500 AE Enschede, tel. (053)-489 32 22, e-mail: d.b.d.bannink@utwente.nl

    This article is based on a definition of political and civil servant leadership as a behavioral steering style towards the realization of organizational goals. By means of a grounded theory methodology we get some insights in the characteristics and the interaction between both leadership styles in Flemish cities. This two-faced leadership is depicted by means of a tandem metaphor. First, we identify the relevant dimensions to describe the leadership tandem. It becomes apparent that political leadership styles differ greatly both in time and in scope. Civil servant leadership is generally characterized by a weak but presumably growing impact. This combination results in considerable leadership tensions, which is reinforced by several contingency factors: i.e. the influence of the dominant alderman model, the financial situation, the number of staff, the tendency to professionalize, the dominant political and civil servant culture and the structure of central government (e.g. on a Flemish, Belgian and European level).


Nathalie Vallet
Docent aan het Departement Management van de Universiteit Antwerpen en aan de Master in Publiek Management van de Universiteit Antwerpen Management School (UAMS).

Filip De Rynck
Hoogleraar aan het Departement Handelswetenschappen en Bestuurskunde van de Hogeschool Gent en docent aan de Master in Publiek Management van de Universiteit Antwerpen Management School (UAMS).

    According to our analysis of the campaign expenses declared by the Flemish candidates for the 2003 federal and the 2004 regional elections candidates of the three traditional parties spend, on average, about 70 à 80% of what they are allowed to. The impact of the spending limit is much smaller for the other parties, the candidates of which spend only about 50% of what they are allowed to. Incumbents and candidates who are also mayor in a municipality tend to spend more. The background characteristics of the candidates have almost no effect on the expenditures. There is only a small effect of gender, in the sense that women candidates spend less. On average, one third of the individual campaign expenditures is financed by the individual candidates, and two thirds by the party. However, in the liberal party the contribution of the party is substantially lower (35 à 40% on average), while it is higher (80% on average) in the socialist party as well as for female candidates


Bart Maddens
Hoofddocent aan het Centrum voor Politicologie, K.U.Leuven.

Karolien Weekers
Wetenschappelijk medewerker aan het Centrum voor Politicologie, K.U.Leuven.

Jo Noppe
Doctor in de sociale wetenschappen, K.U.Leuven.
Article

Stille revolutie, contra-revolutie of cultureel conflict?

Veranderingen in de politieke cultuur en hun invloed op het verband tussen klassenpositie en stemgedrag

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2006
Auteurs Jeroen Van der Waal en Peter Achterberg
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    This paper deals with the linkage between changes in the political culture and changes in class-party alignments. First, we investigate how the political culture in Western countries has changed over time. Three views are tested using data on party-manifestos. The first predicts that only new-leftist issues will increase in salience. The second predicts that both new-leftist and new-rightist issues will emerge at the same time. The third, which is empirically corroborated, predicts that first new-leftist issues will emerge followed by a rise in new rightist issues.
    Second, we investigate how the emergence of these new issues has affected the traditional class-party alignments. We show that the middle class increasingly votes left-wing as newleftist issues become more important and that the working class increasingly votes rightwing as new-rightist issues become more important. The middle class also appears to alienate from the traditional party of their class as new-rightist issues rise in salience.


Jeroen Van der Waal
Onderzoeker aan de vakgroep Sociologie, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam en aan de Amsterdam School for Social Research.

Peter Achterberg
Onderzoeker aan de vakgroep Sociologie, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam en aan de Amsterdam School for Social Research.

    This study reports the results of qualitative interviews with 28 extreme right wing activists in Flanders (Belgium). We focus on the (ideological) motives for activism (why did they become active?) and the trajectory followed in becoming active (how did they become active?). The results show that these activists are primarily motivated by ethnic nationalism. All other ideological stands (e.g. rejection of foreigners, authoritarian attitudes and rejection of actual politics in Belgium) seem to be derived from this core of ethnic nationalism. The trajectory followed is primarily one that relates to socialization and continuity: most interviewees grew up in a family in which nationalism was of primordial importance. A minority of respondents, however, followed trajectories that refer to compliance or to conversion (deprivation).


Hans De Witte
Hoofddocent aan het Departement Psychologie, K.U.Leuven.
Article

Op zoek naar de ‘monitorial citizen’

Een empirisch onderzoek naar de prevalentie van postmodern burgerschap in België

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2006
Auteurs Yves Dejaeghere en Marc Hooghe
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    Various authors have claimed that postmodern concepts of citizenship have become more important in contemporary Western societies. The new generation of citizens are said to be more critical toward the political system, less likely to participate in conventional politics, but they remain strongly interested in politics and social life (Norris, Inglehart, Dalton). Michael Schudson developed the concept of a ‘monitorial citizen’, who is interested in politics, with high levels of political efficacy and who turns to political action if needed, but does not participate in traditional political organizations. Based on the European Social Survey (2004) we investigate whether this type of citizenship actually occurs in Belgium, and found that approx. 9 per cent of all respondents can be labeled as ‘monitorial citizens’. In accordance with the theoretical expectations, most of them are young and highly-educated citizens. A multivariate analysis shows that, controlling for education, ‘monitorial citizens’ also score relatively high on political trust.


Yves Dejaeghere
Licentiaat politieke wetenschappen, Centrum voor Politicologie K.U.Leuven.

Marc Hooghe
Hoofddocent politieke wetenschappen, Centrum voor Politicologie K.U.Leuven.
Article

De verschillende electorale aanhang van het Vlaams Blok in de Antwerpse gemeenten

Het inktvlekmodel en de vraag- en aanbodtheorieën over extreem-rechts

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2006
Auteurs Teun Pauwels
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    In this article we explained the differential electoral appeal of the extreme right in the municipalities of Antwerp. The electoral geography of the Vlaams Blok demonstrated that the further one lives from the city of Antwerp, the less likely one is to vote for the extreme right. This phenomenon was explained trough a specific urbanization pattern and the so called contamination hypothesis. We also found that the presence of migrants and the unemployment rate had a significant correlation with the score of the VB. This helped to understand why some municipalities were characterized by a long distance from the city and yet a high score for the VB. The supply side of the VB was also analyzed. This revealed that the proportion of preferential votes for the VB correlated highly with the electoral score of the VB in the municipalities of Antwerp.


Teun Pauwels
Onderzoeksmedewerker aan het Departement Politieke Wetenschappen, Universiteit Antwerpen.
Boekbespreking

De primaat van de politiek

Natuur versus cultuur en de studie van bestuur

Tijdschrift Bestuurskunde, Aflevering 3 2006
Auteurs Frank Hendriks
Auteursinformatie

Frank Hendriks
Prof. dr Frank Hendriks is hoogleraar vergelijkende bestuurskunde aan de Tilburgse School voor Politiek en Bestuur van de Universiteit van Tilburg.
Article

Belgian Politics in 2005

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 2006
Auteurs Sam Depauw en Mark Deweerdt
Auteursinformatie

Sam Depauw
Postdoctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research – Flanders at the University of Leuven.

Mark Deweerdt
Political Journalist of De Tijd.

Arjen Boin
Dr. Arjen Boin is verbonden aan het departement bestuurskunde van de Universiteit Leiden. Hij verblijft het academisch jaar 2005-2006 als gastonderzoeker aan The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Article

Een kandidaat uit mijn buurt?

De scheve spreiding van kandidaten voor de Brusselse gewestverkiezingen over armere en rijkere buurten

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 2006
Auteurs Dirk Jacobs
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    Parties supposedly take great care to assure an equilibrium in the socio-geographical composition of their lists of candidates. In this contribution it is investigated whether the parties which participated to the 2004 regional elections in Brussels indeed presented lists in which the criterion of equilibrated geographical distribution was taken into account. We compared the presence of candidates living in disfavoured neighbourhoods, middle class neighbourhoods and rich neighbourhoods for the different lists which participated in the elections. It is shown that elected politicians overwhelming tend to live in the richer areas of the Brussels Capital Region. This is not due to a funnel effect in which predominantly the candidates living in richer neighbourhoods were able to get elected. Parties had, indeed, in general distinct socio-geographical profiles of their candidates and these merely got reflected in the overall results of those getting elected.


Dirk Jacobs
Chargé de cours, Institut de Sociologie, Université Libre de Bruxelles.

    This paper deals with the electoral and political consequences of urban region formation. The electoral geography of new political parties differs substantially from that of traditional ones. New parties are mainly successful in different parts of urban regions. The declining traditional parties have rather a regional pattern, although some of them show new spatial patterns too. These developments are interpreted in the context of the cleavage theory, in which old and new cleavages are linked with a different spatiality. Following the Anglo-Saxon literature an increasing process of polarisation is hypothesised between the welfare state orientated city and a neo-conservative and neo-liberal suburban fringe. This article examines and proofs the existence of these processes in the urban region of Brussels by means of individual-level and ecological electoral data.


Filip De Maesschalck
Assistent, Instituut voor Sociale en Economische Geografie, K.U.Leuven.

Sarah Luyten
Wetenschappelijk medewerkster, Instituut voor Sociale en Economische Geografie, K.U.Leuven.
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