Zoekresultaat: 5 artikelen

x
Jaar 1986 x

    Our research concerns political knowledge among eighteen-year-old pupils (last year secondary school) in Belgium (sample size: 600) and the variables that may cause a differential level of political knowledge. The results point out that the average level of political knowledge is really low (54 %), though some elementary items (like the prime minister, Mitterrand and Greenpeace) score up to 98 %. The studyreveals as the most significant independent variables: the sex (boys score better than girls), political participation of the parents, mass media, and (in a negative way) school. Mass media are most frequently mentioned as the most important sources of political information. Moreover, respondents with a high level of newsmedia exposure do indeed score best. Political education at school shows to have low impact, on the contrary, respondents that mention school as their most important source of political information tend to score worst.


Hilde Pattyn

    This paper describes the common techniques used in the constitution of candidates-lists for parliamentary elections. A common feature of these techniques is the consultation of party members. But the way in which this is done differs among the parties. AGALEV, the ecologist party, offers every member the possibility to have his say about every candidate. The socialist party (SP) uses this system in two constituencies; in the other constituencies a special congress decides. The christiandemocrats (CVP), the liberals (PVV) and the Flemish nationalists(VOLKSUNIE) constitute their lists by indirect vote: the leadership performs a first selection and the members then either approve or disapprove of this choice. Our research indicates that there are no essential differences between these two techniques from the point of view of membership participation. In both the ecologist and the socialist party the majority of members does not participate in the candidates-elections. Therefore, as with the indirect vote, candidates-lists are constituted by an active, militant and elitist group of members. Whatever the technique used the infl,uence of the rank-and-file-member is small.


Jan Ceuleers

Lieven De Winter
Article

Les élections législatives du 13 octobre 1985

Analyse des résultats

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2 1986
Auteurs William Fraeys
Samenvatting

    The main characteristics of the elections of 13th October 1985 seem to be the following. The turnout, as appears from the number of laid down ballot papers in relation to the number of registered voters, is slightly declining compared with 1981. It indeed amounted to 93.59 % against 94.56 % four years before. This rate of participation averages those of previous elections. The number of blank and spoilt ballot papers is rising very slightly. It totalled 7.45 % for the House of Representatives, against 7.37 % in 1981. This is again an average percentage compared with the previous general elections. It is considerably lower than the number of blank and spoilt ballot papers at the European elections of both 1979 and 1984. The extent of the shifts in votes is much lower than in 1981 and also averages those of the last year's elections. The votes are moving in a very similar way in the three regions of the country, although with one notable exception: the loss suffered by the PVV in Flanders. Apart from that, the Christian Democrats are registering a gain in the northern and southern parts of the country as well as in Brussels as far as the CVP is concerned; the extent of the Socialist advance is the same in the three regions; the loss suffered by the nationalist parties is general and the «green» lists are reinforcing their breakthrough everywhere. The parties of the outgoing coalition are improving their result, which very seldom happens at Belgian elections: Christian Democrats and Liberals are indeed progressing by 2.26 %. Another noteworthy element, however, is the fact that the ahead movement of the main oppositionparties is even more important than the majority's as the Socialists obtained 3.25 % more of the valid votes. Of course this double success took place at the expense of the nationalist parties, the Communists and some smaller lists. The shift in seats does not exactly reflect the shift in votes, because of a different distribution of the seats between the provinces, on the one hand, due to the variations in the number of inhabitants, and because of the concentration on certain lists of the allocation of the last seat, on the other.


William Fraeys

    This article gives a survey of the position of migrant workers in the Belgian labor market and social security system. Total employment of migrants has increased from 114,000 in 1954 to 224,900 in 1970. In contrast to overall employment in the Belgian economy, it went on climbing till 1978, up to a 245,900 level. Beyond this year, forecasts point at a slight decrease. Since WWII, the gravity point of the sectoral division of migrant workers has shifted from minig and industry, to industry and tertiary activities. The share of industry in the employment of migrants bas remained relatively stable, in contrast to the tertiary sector, that witnessed a considerable expansion. However, the latter has not contributed substantially to the quality level of the average guest worker's job. On the whole, there is a strong correspondence between the unstable position of migrants in the labor market and their demographic characteristics on one side, their participation in the social security system on the other side. Their young family structure is reflected in a high share in family allowances and a limited appeal to pension funds. Statistical analysis at the aggregate level does not point at discriminatory practices vis-à-vis migrants and their families in social security; but at thedisaggregate level and through the inspection of laws, regulations and international conventions, it appears that non-EEC nationals, with an unstable professional career, do not have the same rights as Belgians or EEC-citizens having a confortable position in the labor market and the social security system. In order to guarantee the rights of the farmer, the author suggests to establish a citizenship entitling to full social security rights after five years of regular residence in Belgium.


Frank Moulaert

    The analysis of demonstration locations classified by degree of urbanization shows that demonstrating is an urban phenomenon. Seldom are demonstrations held in thinly populated residential areas. A demonstration can thus be considered among the farms of political action for which the participation stimulating factors are clearly more present in urban areas than in rural areas. The distribution of the demonstrations over the regions indicates that more demonstrating is done in Flanders than in Wallonia. Flemings and 'walloons, moreover, appeared in the streets for different points of confiict during the period from 1953 to 1974. Demonstrations with ideological themes overwhelmingly, and communitarian themes mostly, occurred in Flanders; demonstrations for socioeconomic purposes occurred mostly in Wallonia. Demonstrations in the capital, Brussels, had the most participants on the average in general andalso for the three conflict areas.


Jozef Smits
Interface Showing Amount
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