Internationaal stijgt de aandacht voor evidence-based policy (EBP); de term duikt steeds vaker op in het beleidsdiscours. Het empirisch onderzoek naar kennisgebruik en doorwerking van wetenschappelijk onderzoek is evenwel eerder gelimiteerd, al bestaat er consensus dat de doorwerking van sociaalwetenschappelijk onderzoek beperkt is. De vraag stelt zich of het recente EBP-discours hierin verandering kan brengen. Kan EBP leiden tot meer doorwerking van sociaalwetenschappelijk onderzoek, gelet op de inherente kenmerken van beleid en wetenschappelijk onderzoek die belangrijke obstakels blijken te vormen voor kennisgebruik en doorwerking? Kunnen we in Vlaanderen reeds spreken over een EBP? Wat verstaan beleidsmakers onder ‘evidence-based’? Is een EBP überhaupt mogelijk? Wat zijn de belangrijkste obstakels voor kennisgebruik volgens beleidsmakers en wat zijn de belangrijkste gebruiksverhogende factoren? In dit artikel wordt aan de hand van een literatuurstudie, een bevraging van (Vlaamse) beleidsmakers en een citaats- en inhoudsanalyse van Vlaamse parlementaire bronnen gepoogd een antwoord te bieden op deze vragen.

Whereas the six Dutch islands in the Caribbean all have a (very) limited population size, analyses of political problems on the islands rarely seem to take the variable of state size into account. The available academic literature demonstrates that the population size of states has a strong influence on the quality of democratic governance, although scholars disagree on the question whether smallness is an asset or an obstacle to democratic development. After a discussion of this theoretical literature, the present article proceeds with a presentation of field research in three small island states (St. Kitts and Nevis, Seychelles, and Palau) in which the political consequences of a limited population size are analyzed. This analysis reveals that a number of size-related effects can be observed in all three examined island states, among which a tendency to personalistic competition, strong polarization between parties and politicians, particularistic relationships between voters and their representatives, and a dominant position of the political executive vis-à-vis other institutions. A subsequent analysis of the contemporary political situation on the Dutch Caribbean islands shows that the observed problems also play a role on these islands, which indicates that smallness is perhaps of greater significance than is now often supposed.

In this feature authors discuss recent research findings that are of interest to readers of Beleid en Maatschappij.

Local officials, policy makers and scholars are increasingly interested in using citizen satisfaction surveys as an instrument to evaluate and analyze the performances and services of municipalities. The key reason for this popularity is the increasing awareness that citizen satisfaction ratings can give a good identification of the effectiveness of the municipal policy. However, a consistent approach to measure citizen satisfaction of the municipal policy in a multidimensional manner has yet to emerge. The construction of such a multi-criteria satisfaction score on municipal policy is indeed an intricate matter with several conceptual and methodological difficulties to overcome. One important difficulty is the question how to aggregate multiple aspects of municipal policy into an overall satisfaction measure. The current paper advocates the ‘Benefit-of-the-Doubt’ (BoD) methodology to weigh and summarize citizen satisfaction ratings on multiple dimensions and tasks of municipal policy into an overall citizen satisfaction score. The label ‘benefit-of-the-doubt’ highlights the main conceptual starting point of the method: in the absence of detailed knowledge on the correct weights for the different dimensions and tasks of the municipality, the BoD-model looks for each evaluated municipality for the most favourable set of weights. As municipalities are usually rather sensitive about being compared and evaluated against each other, this quality is clearly an important advantage of the BoD-model. We present both a static and dynamic version of the model.

The traditional authority of mayors and aldermen is readily challenged. Formal positions do no longer constitute authority. For that reason, new political repertoires are being sought after and are being developed by local political-executive leaders. This article analyses and compares the sources of authority for mayors and aldermen: how can they develop, maintain, and strengthen their authority? It develops an innovative typology of sources of authority. A distinction is made between institutional, positional, and personal sources of authority. The model is applied to the mayors and aldermen in relation to relevant socio-political developments that affect the two offices. It is found that the authority of mayors rests on institutional sources of authority more so than that of aldermen. For the latter, positional and personal sources of authority are more important. At the same time, personal sources of authority have become very important for mayors as well as aldermen. The results call upon mayors and aldermen’s skills and competences to develop personal authority through persuasion.

In dit artikel wordt het evaluatieonderzoek van overheidsbeleid kritisch onder de loep genomen. De auteur bespreekt vier alternatieven: responsieve en multipele evaluatie, argumentatieve evaluatie, netwerkgericht evalueren en lerend evalueren. De bevindingen kunnen positief inwerken op het ‘leren van evalueren’ in organisaties.

This article shows how top officials in ten European countries evaluate changes in the public sector based on a number of dimensions, such as quality, cost-efficiency, ethics, effectiveness and the attractiveness of the public sector as an employer. Senior public officials in the Netherlands are compared to their counterparts from 9 other European countries. The study is based on the large-scale academic COCOPS Top Executive Survey, and answers from 3,173 top public sector officials were used.
Results show that senior public officials in the Netherlands are very positive about changes in cost-efficiency and service quality in the public sector. Yet they are concerned about the attractiveness of the public sector as an employer and public trust in government. At the same time, senior public officials in the Netherlands appear to be among the most positive all nationalities about recent changes in how the public sector operates. Only with regard to changes in the attractiveness of the public sector as an employer are senior Dutch public officials considerably less optimistic.

In co-production processes, citizens and professionals both contribute to the provision of public services and try to enhance the quality of the services they produce. Although government offers several opportunities for co-production, not all citizens decide to actually take part. Current insights in citizens’ individual motivations offered by the co-production literature are limited. In this article, we integrate insights from different streams of literature to build a theoretical model that explains citizens’ motivations to co-produce. We test the model using empirical data of Dutch neighborhood watches.

Dutch local government is more and more regarded as a ‘first government’. Vision documents of the association of municipalities and national policy plans stress the importance of local government for improving public governance. This ‘new localism’ builds upon two conflicting perspectives to local government: the modernization model and the political community model. As a result, local governments are becoming overloaded by many new and conflicting demands. A debate about how both perspectives to the ‘first government’ can be balanced, is therefore needed.

Interview with Gert-Jan Buitendijk, director-general Administration and Kingdom Relations at the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations.

In the coming years, a major decentralization operation in the social sector will make the Dutch municipalities fully responsible for support, assistance and home care. The starting point for decentralization is the ‘one family, one plan, one coordinator’-approach. Under municipal reign, professionals will have to coordinate their actions in order to provide more customized services and to enhance citizens’ involvement. In this contribution we discuss two pilots, of the municipalities of Enschede and Leeuwarden, which have experimented with the new approach. We describe the background, institutional structure and results and conclude that there is evidence that the new approach has worked. We end with a reflection on the present challenges that municipalities are confronted with, when applying the approach under the current conditions of new responsibilities and severe budget cuts.

Public regulators and inspectorates are increasingly involved in self-regulatory initiatives. This contribution is about co-regulation, which are co-ordination efforts among public regulators and self-regulating institutions. In co-regulation arrangements typical regulation and oversight activities, such as standard setting, information gathering and sanctioning become subjects of co-ordination between public and private actors. Co-regulation arrangements are typically network efforts. At the same time ‘regulation’ has a hierarchical connotation. This paradox shows in interpretations of ‘governance’ and ‘the move from government to governance’, the latter being a popular phrase qualifying a change of the government’s role in society. Main question in this paper is what the changing role of government in society means for the assessment of co-regulation. Based on literature two implicit, but opposing interpretations of ‘governance’ and the change are described. This implicitness may cause unsound assessments of co-regulation, either too tough or too lenient. In this contribution the normative implications of both interpretations are made explicit for co-regulation. The argument is illustrated by the case of co-regulation in the Dutch coach travel industry.

Our research question is: how do Dutch municipalities practice their local steering role within climate mitigation policy? Policy documents of twelve municipalities have been analysed and corresponding policymakers have been interviewed. Our research illustrates that the Dutch government is struggling with the changing relations with society and the growing dependency on it for reaching policy targets. According to literature, the governmental steering role of process management is expected to be more effective in situations of high dependency. However, the policy strategies of municipalities meet characteristics of project management. Meanwhile, the project targets are not controllably formulated and rely solely on actions of other local parties. The ministry has assigned municipalities to use this project management style, to implement the projects in a top-down manner, and to find partners after the implementation phase. Municipal policymakers indicate that they are facing problems afterwards, because the ‘partners’ have interests that do not correspond with the projects as formulated by the municipalities. It is more effective to negotiate with the other parties. This is necessary in order to formulate collective policy targets that meet the interests of all of the participating parties in accordance with the theory of network governance and process management.

The debate on the territorial structure and scale of local and regional government is hardly supported by geographical theory and evidence. In this article, a geographical logic for collective action and the spatial structure of government is unfolded, based on the foundations of Welfare Theory. This logic accounts for the tension between inherently bordered area governance and borderless social and economic networks. Spatial scaling of area government thus involves complex trade-offs. The case is made for area government at the scale of daily urban systems, functional-spatial complexes that are typical for our advanced network society. The article concludes with a discussion of consequences for the spatial organisation of local and regional government.

Political and policy decisions are often presented as neutral choices. Yet, seemingly neutral and widely accepted views are ideologically embedded in a vision on how society should look and what role citizens have to play. These ideologies, we argue, remain silent. In this special issue, we discuss the value and risks of silent ideologies. While silent ideologies may be functional in some cases, there are also risks. The various contributions show that there is a risk of criticism, new ideas and innovative solutions being removed from the political debate. Also, silent ideologies may conceal conflicting interests of citizens and the state, which may exclude the ‘irresponsible’ citizen from the public domain. We argue that public officials and civil servants should take up a role in addressing silent ideologies and their workings.

Values like quality of life, efficiency of services, solidarity in finances and privacy of clients are being compromised continuously in daily practices, inspired by opinions and ideology of (groups of) individuals. Yet, systems like healthcare are dominated by technocratic procedures to enforce transparency and efficiency. This functional rationality pushes away the more fundamental debates on values. This doesn’t mean they are not being compromised, but it’s done in a hidden way. It’s the nurse taking decisions on the amount of time available for a patient. Although restricted by procedures nurses compromise differently. The same counts for healthcare executives in their boardrooms. Restricted by system requirements they take decisions differently, inspired by their convictions. It is all ‘hidden ideology’ in institutions, interactions and intuitions. Even the political arena is imprisoned by the self made technocratic way of debating and deciding on important societal issues. Political debates should be about the values behind procedures instead of technocratic in its essence. Critical checks and balances have to be reinstalled (or reanimated) in political decision making in order to do this and meet patients’ or citizens’ needs, instead of maintaining a procedural attitude that drives politics and ideology away from society.