Zoekresultaat: 9 artikelen

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Jaar 2006 x

    The recent introduction of leadership primaries within the Dutch political parties PvdA, VVD and D66 has attracted much attention, but the opinions about this form of party-reform are divided. This article discusses the reasons for the recent popularity of internal primaries for the selection of the heads of the list of candidates for the national elections and describes the procedures used by the various parties. The article concludes that leader-ship primaries are not always beneficial for parties and democracy. Only if the procedures for primaries are carefully designed and the candidates behave prudently and in an integer way, leadership primaries can have a positive effect on internal party democracy and on the political system as a whole.


Ruud Koole
Prof. dr. R.A. Koole is hoogleraar Nederlandse Politiek. Hij promoveerde op het proefschrift De opkomst van de moderne kaderpartij: veranderende partijorganisatie in Nederland 1960-1990 (Utrecht 1992, Spectrum). Hij publiceerde onder meer over Nederlandse politiek, partijorganisaties, parlementaire fracties, politieke financiën (bijv.: Ruud Koole and Knut Heidar, Parliamentary Party Groups in European Democracies: political parties behind closed doors. London, Routledge, 2000; Ruud Koole en Hans Daalder, 'The Consociational Democracy Model and the Netherlands: Ambivalent Allies?', in: Acta Politica, vol 37, Spring/Summer, 2002, pp. 23-43). Correspondentiegegevens: Departement Politieke Wetenschap, Universiteit Leiden, Postbus 9555, 2300 RB Leiden, 071 527 3936, koole@fsw.leidenuniv.nl

    According to our analysis of the campaign expenses declared by the Flemish candidates for the 2003 federal and the 2004 regional elections candidates of the three traditional parties spend, on average, about 70 à 80% of what they are allowed to. The impact of the spending limit is much smaller for the other parties, the candidates of which spend only about 50% of what they are allowed to. Incumbents and candidates who are also mayor in a municipality tend to spend more. The background characteristics of the candidates have almost no effect on the expenditures. There is only a small effect of gender, in the sense that women candidates spend less. On average, one third of the individual campaign expenditures is financed by the individual candidates, and two thirds by the party. However, in the liberal party the contribution of the party is substantially lower (35 à 40% on average), while it is higher (80% on average) in the socialist party as well as for female candidates


Bart Maddens
Hoofddocent aan het Centrum voor Politicologie, K.U.Leuven.

Karolien Weekers
Wetenschappelijk medewerker aan het Centrum voor Politicologie, K.U.Leuven.

Jo Noppe
Doctor in de sociale wetenschappen, K.U.Leuven.
Article

Stille revolutie, contra-revolutie of cultureel conflict?

Veranderingen in de politieke cultuur en hun invloed op het verband tussen klassenpositie en stemgedrag

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2006
Auteurs Jeroen Van der Waal en Peter Achterberg
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    This paper deals with the linkage between changes in the political culture and changes in class-party alignments. First, we investigate how the political culture in Western countries has changed over time. Three views are tested using data on party-manifestos. The first predicts that only new-leftist issues will increase in salience. The second predicts that both new-leftist and new-rightist issues will emerge at the same time. The third, which is empirically corroborated, predicts that first new-leftist issues will emerge followed by a rise in new rightist issues.
    Second, we investigate how the emergence of these new issues has affected the traditional class-party alignments. We show that the middle class increasingly votes left-wing as newleftist issues become more important and that the working class increasingly votes rightwing as new-rightist issues become more important. The middle class also appears to alienate from the traditional party of their class as new-rightist issues rise in salience.


Jeroen Van der Waal
Onderzoeker aan de vakgroep Sociologie, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam en aan de Amsterdam School for Social Research.

Peter Achterberg
Onderzoeker aan de vakgroep Sociologie, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam en aan de Amsterdam School for Social Research.
Article

Op zoek naar de ‘monitorial citizen’

Een empirisch onderzoek naar de prevalentie van postmodern burgerschap in België

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2006
Auteurs Yves Dejaeghere en Marc Hooghe
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    Various authors have claimed that postmodern concepts of citizenship have become more important in contemporary Western societies. The new generation of citizens are said to be more critical toward the political system, less likely to participate in conventional politics, but they remain strongly interested in politics and social life (Norris, Inglehart, Dalton). Michael Schudson developed the concept of a ‘monitorial citizen’, who is interested in politics, with high levels of political efficacy and who turns to political action if needed, but does not participate in traditional political organizations. Based on the European Social Survey (2004) we investigate whether this type of citizenship actually occurs in Belgium, and found that approx. 9 per cent of all respondents can be labeled as ‘monitorial citizens’. In accordance with the theoretical expectations, most of them are young and highly-educated citizens. A multivariate analysis shows that, controlling for education, ‘monitorial citizens’ also score relatively high on political trust.


Yves Dejaeghere
Licentiaat politieke wetenschappen, Centrum voor Politicologie K.U.Leuven.

Marc Hooghe
Hoofddocent politieke wetenschappen, Centrum voor Politicologie K.U.Leuven.
Article

De verschillende electorale aanhang van het Vlaams Blok in de Antwerpse gemeenten

Het inktvlekmodel en de vraag- en aanbodtheorieën over extreem-rechts

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2006
Auteurs Teun Pauwels
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    In this article we explained the differential electoral appeal of the extreme right in the municipalities of Antwerp. The electoral geography of the Vlaams Blok demonstrated that the further one lives from the city of Antwerp, the less likely one is to vote for the extreme right. This phenomenon was explained trough a specific urbanization pattern and the so called contamination hypothesis. We also found that the presence of migrants and the unemployment rate had a significant correlation with the score of the VB. This helped to understand why some municipalities were characterized by a long distance from the city and yet a high score for the VB. The supply side of the VB was also analyzed. This revealed that the proportion of preferential votes for the VB correlated highly with the electoral score of the VB in the municipalities of Antwerp.


Teun Pauwels
Onderzoeksmedewerker aan het Departement Politieke Wetenschappen, Universiteit Antwerpen.

Jean-Benoit Pilet
Docteur en science politique. Chercheur au Centre d’étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) de l’Université Libre de Bruxelles, en collaboration avec les secrétariats des partis politiques.

Emilie van Haute
Assistante en science politique au Centre d’étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) de l’Université Libre de Bruxelles.
Article

Belgian Politics in 2005

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 2006
Auteurs Sam Depauw en Mark Deweerdt
Auteursinformatie

Sam Depauw
Postdoctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research – Flanders at the University of Leuven.

Mark Deweerdt
Political Journalist of De Tijd.

    This paper deals with the electoral and political consequences of urban region formation. The electoral geography of new political parties differs substantially from that of traditional ones. New parties are mainly successful in different parts of urban regions. The declining traditional parties have rather a regional pattern, although some of them show new spatial patterns too. These developments are interpreted in the context of the cleavage theory, in which old and new cleavages are linked with a different spatiality. Following the Anglo-Saxon literature an increasing process of polarisation is hypothesised between the welfare state orientated city and a neo-conservative and neo-liberal suburban fringe. This article examines and proofs the existence of these processes in the urban region of Brussels by means of individual-level and ecological electoral data.


Filip De Maesschalck
Assistent, Instituut voor Sociale en Economische Geografie, K.U.Leuven.

Sarah Luyten
Wetenschappelijk medewerkster, Instituut voor Sociale en Economische Geografie, K.U.Leuven.

    At least four criterions/methods to measure mechanical effects of electoral systems can be distinguished: measuring disproportionality, the reduction in number of parties, the party advantages and the threshold percentages. In this manuscript we focus on the thresholds. We first concentrate on a description of legal, theoretical, and empirical thresholds as measures of mechanical effects. Further, we analyse the relationship between (the natural logarithm) of district magnitude and the empirical threshold and between the empirical threshold and the effective number of parties. As starting point we take districts in Spain, Portugal and Hungary as the level of analysis. We clearly show that there is a negative causal connection between district magnitude and the threshold percentage and between threshold percentage and the number of parties.


Patrick Vander Weyden
Doctor-assistent aan de K.U.Brussel en Vice-directeur van het Instituut voor Politieke Sociologie en Methodologie (IPSoM).
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