Zoekresultaat: 6 artikelen

x
Jaar 2005 x

    This article poses the question whether the Dutch system of organized interest representation faces a transformation from neo-corporatist mediation to lobbyism similar to Scandinavian countries. Its main claim is that this has so far not been the case, because two essential features of neo-corporatist interest mediation have remained prominent in the Netherlands. First, policies regarding labour conditions continue to be determined within a network of employers' organisations, trade unions, and the government that is essentially closed to outsiders. Second, the system continues to be hierarchical in nature: the government, often below the surface, demonstrates a considerable capacity to steer the participants in its preferred direction. Such a closed network still allows for lobbying the parliament by both network members and outsiders. Lobbying may thus be complementary to closed neo-corporatist networks rather than a substitute. The article offers a research agenda exploring the latter suggestion.


Agnes Akkerman
Agnes Akkerman is als universitair docent verbonden aan de Faculteit der Management Wetenschappen van de Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen. Recente publicaties van haar hand zijn 'Identifying Latent Conflict in Collective Bargaining', Rationality and Society 15(1): 15-43; 'A theory of soft policy implementation in multilevel systems with an application to Dutch social partnership', Acta Politica 39(1): 31-58. Adres: Thomas van Aquinostraat 5, Postbus 9108, 6500 HK Nijmegen,
Artikel

In een groen, groen polderland

De mix tussen corporatisme en lobbyisme in het Nederlandse milieu-beleid

Tijdschrift Beleid en Maatschappij, Aflevering 4 2005
Auteurs Dave Huitema
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    This article discusses the degree to which Dutch environmental policy exhibits a shift from corporatism to lobbyism. Based on a general analysis of environmental policy making in the Netherlands and two specific cases of environmental decision making, the author draws the conclusion that such a shift has not happened. At the level of policymaking it is rather the opposite: in the 1980s the Ministry of the Environment introduced a certain level of corporatism. This was possible because of a clear framework of environmental policy goals shaped by the National Institute for Public Health and Environment (RIVM), because the environmental movement began to see the Ministry as an ally and because business interests preferred self-regulation (one element of corporatism) to government regulations. In two concrete case of environmental decision-making that are discussed here, environmental goals are being discussed once more. During such discussion, it appears that Dutch ministries have close connection to 'their' target groups. For the coming years, environmental policy will 'Europeanize' further and Dutch economic interest groups, although being remarkably late in responding to this shift, will start to influence the Brussels policymaking game instead of the Dutch implementation game.


Dave Huitema
Dave Huitema is als senior-bestuurskundig onderzoeker verbonden aan het Instituut voor Milieuvraagstukken (IVM) van de Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Huitema is docent en modulecoördinator bij de masteropleiding 'Environment and Resource Management' (ERM) aan de VU en leidt het onderzoekscluster 'Water Governance and Economics' van het IVM. Recente publicaties zijn: Calculating the Political: Election Manifestoes as a Meeting Point for Experts and Politicians. The case of the RIVM (Amsterdam: Instituut voor Milieuvraagstukken) en Hazardous Decisions: Hazardous Waste Facility Siting in the UK, Netherlands and Canada: Institutions and Discourses (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers). Adres: Instituut voor Milieuvraagstukken, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, De Boelelaan 1087, 1081 HV Amsterdam, e-mail: dave.huitema@ivm.vu.nl

    This article explains Belgium’s European policy regarding the CAP reforms of 1992 (MacSharry Reforms) and 2003 (Mid Term Review). It addresses the question whether this policy has changed and, if so, what the conditions of policy change are. We argue that Belgium has a two-track policy regarding the CAP reforms. The first track has a conservatist content, stating that Belgium is not in favour of the proposed reforms. The second track is a the more reformist one, given the untenability of the CAP in the light of the simultaneous global GATT, WTO and/or enlargement negotiations. It is argued that the political colour of the Agriculture Minister influences partly the first track, while the relative importance of the global negotiations over the CAP reform negotiations affects the second track. Moreover, we conclude that the involvement of the Flemish and Walloon Region has not led to a deadlock in the internal policy-making process in Belgium.


Tom Delreux
Aspirant van het FWO-Vlaanderen, Instituut voor Internationaal en Europees Beleid, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven.
Article

Belgian Politics in 2004

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 2-3 2005
Auteurs Sam Depauw en Mark Deweerdt
Auteursinformatie

Sam Depauw
Postdoctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research-Flanders at the University of Leuven.

Mark Deweerdt
Political Journalist of De Tijd.

    On May 29th 2005, 54.8% of the French population rejected the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe in a referendum. Three days later, no less than 61.8% of the Dutch voters followed suit. In the following days, commentators wrote that the French non and the Dutch nee made the EU face its biggest crisis ever. EU President Juncker stated that the EU did no longer inspire “dreaming”. Commission President Barroso warned of “permanent crisis and paralysis” in the EU. At the European Council meeting of June 16th and 17th 2005, European leaders agreed to insert a one-year period of reflection in the ratification process. Moreover, the idea of a deadline for ratification was abandonned. After EU members states also failed to agree on the 2007-2013 budget, a higly disappointed Juncker concluded that the EU found itself in a “deep crisis”.
    In comparison to the spring of 2005, the problems the EU faced in 2004 looked relatively easy to solve. However, this is not to say that 2004 should be seen as the calm before the storm. Indeed, the accession of ten new member states and the political agreement on a constitutional treaty made 2004 a milestone in recent EU integration history. Starting from the policy measures taken by the EU members states in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks in Madrid, this contribution focuses on the major political and economic developments in the EU in 2004. Special attention is paid to the elections for a new European Parliament, the Barroso-Commission taking office and the approval of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe.


Edith Drieskens
Assistente aan het Instituut voor Internationaal en Europees Beleid van de Katholieke Universiteit Leuven.

Bart Kerremans
Hoogleraar aan het Instituut voor Internationaal en Europees Beleid van de Katholieke Universiteit Leuven.
Article

De staat in drie generaties van global governance

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 1 2005
Auteurs Dries Lesage, Jan Orbie, Tine Vandervelden e.a.
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    In this article, we argue that there are indications for the emergence of a third phase in the idea of global governance. After the phase of extensive state intervention and etatism (1945-1980) and the phase of deregulation and marketization (1980-now), this third phase aims at restoring typically governmental functions (e.g. social cohesion, financial stability, public health). Indications are international measures against the drawbacks of globalization (e.g. financial instability), the eroding legitimacy of the market-oriented WTO regime, the formulation of new security concepts establishing links between national interest and transnational problems and the enhanced interest in global policy coordination (e.g. UN Millennium Development Goals). Yet today, unlike in 1945-1980, globalization and complex interdependence are accepted as facts, and we also witness attempts to realize ‘governmental’ functions at the global level. But the direction which global governance will follow the years ahead, remains to a large extent a matter of political choice.


Dries Lesage
Post-doctoraal onderzoeker FWO-Vlaanderen aan de Vakgroep Politieke wetenschappen Universiteit Gent.

Jan Orbie
Aspirant FWO-Vlaanderen aan de Vakgroep Politieke wetenschappen Universiteit Gent.

Tine Vandervelden
Assistent aan de Vakgroep Politieke wetenschappen Universiteit Gent.

Sara Van Belle
Assistent aan de Vakgroep Politieke wetenschappen Universiteit Gent.
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