Nalevingsgedrag wordt door een aantal factoren beïnvloed. Deze factoren zijn door het ministerie van Justitie samengevat in de Tafel van Elf, die zowel spontane nalevings- als handhavingsdimensies bevat. Elk individu gaat verschillend om met deze dimensies. Om overall iets te kunnen zeggen over het nalevingsgedrag van een doelgroep dienen de verschillende individuen/bedrijven en hun interacties beschreven te worden. Dit is mogelijk door gebruik te maken van Agent-Based Modeling (ABM). ABM is in het hier beschreven onderzoek toegepast in een casestudie naar correct gebruik van antibiotica door varkenshouders. Simulaties lieten zien dat een hoog nalevingsniveau bereikt kan worden door een hoge mate van acceptatie van de wetgeving, waarbij enige mate van inspectie nodig zal blijven. Verder bleek dat het gedrag van varkenshouders beïnvloed wordt door het nalevingsgedrag van varkenshouders in de omgeving. Voor zover ons bekend is dit de eerste toepassing van ABM op het gebied van naleving en toezicht.

Het aandeel van de industrie in de Nederlandse economie neemt structureel af. Deze ontwikkeling wordt versterkt door een tekort aan binnenlands aanbod van technici: de belangstelling voor technische opleidingen is sterk teruggelopen. In de toekomst dreigt het tekort aan technici verder op te lopen, waardoor de positie van de Nederlandse industrie verder onder druk komt te staan. Voor een open economie als die van Nederland is de industrie, die het overgrote deel van de export voor zijn rekening neemt, echter van grote betekenis. Ook biedt de industrie relatief goed betaalde banen voor werknemers die anders aangewezen zouden zijn op laag betaalde arbeid of geen baan zouden kunnen krijgen. Om de dalende trend te keren moeten meer jongeren geïnteresseerd worden in een technische opleiding. In het artikel komt uitvoerig aan de orde hoe dat kan.

This article is one of the first to systematically examine parties’ use of YouTube in Dutch election campaigns and to consider its effects. Content analysis of 406 YouTube ads and additional research show that nine political parties made use of this new campaign instrument in the 2010 Dutch parliamentary election campaign. However, unlike U.S. presidential candidate Obama, the parties did not really use YouTube to mobilize and involve voters. Instead, YouTube was used only as a means to broadcast advertisements for the party. These ads only reached a small audience and had little influence online as well as in the print media. Furthermore, this study examines which of these ads were more likely to reach a large number of viewers. The results demonstrate that short, comparative ads that contain the party leader, that are uploaded early on in the campaign, that stem from small or winning parties and that have numerous links on external websites are likely to reach more viewers.

Electoral institutions shape the incentive that elected representatives have to cultivate a personal vote, a geographically-concentrated personal vote in particular. But are electoral institutions able to make representatives do what they would not do otherwise and to make them not do what they otherwise would have done? Using data from the cross-national PARTIREP MP Survey, it is demonstrated that electoral institutions shape elected representatives’ local orientation. Local orientation decreases as district magnitude grows – regardless of what representatives think about political representation. But representatives’ conceptions of representation do shape their uptake in the legislative arena from their contacts with individual constituents. The effect of the electoral incentive grows stronger as elected representatives think of representation as a bottom-up rather than a top-down process.

This article investigates whether group-based politics is still relevant in Belgian and Dutch politics. Based on the PARTIREP MP Survey it more precisely studies the extent to which Belgian and Dutch parliamentarians in comparison to other European countries attach importance to the representation of ‘old’ cleavage groups (class and religious groups) or new groups (age groups, women and ethnic minorities), and which strategies are considered most appropriate. Group representation of old and new groups is found to be of great importance in both countries. Class is not dead and age groups are also highly represented. In contrast, religious groups and ethnic minorities receive far less attention in the Low Countries. Notwithstanding these similarities, there is also cross-country variation regarding the level of importance (greater in the Netherlands), the represented groups and the strategies for representation.

Electoral behavior has changed considerably over the last few decades. The Netherlands are exemplary of how the cleavage structure has waned and how this has led to a weakening of the bonds between parties and voters and to higher levels of electoral volatility. Christian democratic and social democratic parties are most affected by these changes, because of their strong roots in the cleavage structure. The alterations in electoral behavior are generally assumed to be evolving gradually through a process of generational replacement. Composition effects on the one hand and a weakening of the impact of socio-structural factors, partly caused by cognitive mobilization on the other hand are considered to be the mechanisms behind this generational change. This paper tests these assumptions with regard to the Netherlands on the basis of the Dutch Parliamentary Election Surveys, 1971-2010. The findings indicate that while some variation between different birth cohorts is visible, most of the differences in voting for both of these parties, however, are situated at the level of election years. Furthermore, with regard to what drives change over time, the analyses indicate that while composition effects and changes in the effects of socio-structural variables are of some importance, cognitive mobilization is not causing the change observed.

In deze bijdrage plaatsen we de gezagscrisis van de hedendaagse wetenschap in cultuur en politiek in een breder, cultuursociologisch perspectief.

If the impact of party leaders on the electoral fate of their parties may be called first order personalization, this paper addresses second order personalization: a preference for an individual candidate having to do with that person embedded in a prior choice for the candidate’s party. Using survey data and election results with respect to intraparty preference voting in The Netherlands, this study explores the characteristics of both voters casting a vote for a candidate other than the party leader and candidates receiving preference votes. Given the increase in intraparty preference voting, second order personalization has increased considerably in recent decades. Moreover, the correlates of second order personalization differ from those identified for first order personalization: intraparty preference votes are cast more often by higher educated, politically interested and efficacious female voters. Intraparty preference voting also seems to be a form of expressive rather than instrumental electoral behaviour: female candidates, and to a lesser extent ethnic candidates, receive more preference votes, but such votes are cast predominantly for the highest placed female (or ethnic) candidate on the list – candidates who would be elected on the basis of their position on the party list anyway.

Since the early 1990s, the European Commission applies the State aid rules (part of European competition law) to the funding of national and subnational public broadcasters. This article analyzes to what extent discussions on the regulation and funding of public service broadcasting are determined by a conflictual notion of subsidiarity. Focusing on encounters between the European Commission on the one hand and Germany, the Netherlands and Flanders on the other hand, the article concludes that Member States and the European Commission focus more on competence divisions than on substantive discussions about the future of public service broadcasting. This is particularly regrettable as the digital age requires a thorough re-thinking of the role of public broadcasters in Western European democracies.