In this article, we investigate the moderating role of political sophistication on the vote for populist parties in Belgium. Building on the literature about the diverse determinants of populist party support, we investigate whether issue considerations and populism-related motivations play a bigger role in the electoral calculus of politically sophisticated voters. |
Zoekresultaat: 67 artikelen
Article |
Political Sophistication and Populist Party SupportThe Case of PTB-PVDA and VB in the 2019 Belgian Elections |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 3 2020 |
Trefwoorden | populist voters, political sophistication, voting motivations, Belgium, elections |
Auteurs | Marta Gallina, Pierre Baudewyns en Jonas Lefevere |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
Article |
Drivers of Support for the Populist Radical Left and Populist Radical Right in BelgiumAn Analysis of the VB and the PVDA-PTB Vote at the 2019 Elections |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 3 2020 |
Trefwoorden | populism, voting, behaviour, Belgium, elections |
Auteurs | Ine Goovaerts, Anna Kern, Emilie van Haute e.a. |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
This study investigates how protest attitudes and ideological considerations affected the 2019 election results in Belgium, and particularly the vote for the radical right-wing populist party Vlaams Belang (VB) and for the radical left-wing populist party Partij van de Arbeid-Parti du Travail de Belgique (PVDA-PTB). Our results confirm that both protest attitudes and ideological considerations play a role to distinguish radical populist voters from mainstream party voters in general. However, when opposed to their second-best choice, we show that particularly protest attitudes matter. Moreover, in comparing radical right- and left-wing populist voters, the article disentangles the respective weight of these drivers on the two ends of the political spectrum. Being able to portray itself as an alternative to mainstream can give these parties an edge among a certain category of voters, albeit this position is also difficult to hold in the long run. |
Article |
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Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 3 2020 |
Trefwoorden | Belgian politics, democratic reforms, elections, populist voters, representative democracy |
Auteurs | Lisa van Dijk, Thomas Legein, Jean-Benoit Pilet e.a. |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
Recently, studies have burgeoned on the link between populism and demands for democratic reforms. In particular, scholars have been debating the link between populist citizens or voters and support for referendums. In this article, we examine voters of populist parties (Vlaams Belang (VB) and Parti du Travail de Belgique-Partij van de Arbeid (PTB-PVDA)) in Belgium in 2019 and we look at their attitudes towards various types of democratic reforms. We find that voters of populist parties differ from the non-populist electorate in their support for different kinds of reforms of representative democracy. Voters of VB and PTB-PVDA have in common stronger demands for limiting politicians’ prerogatives, for introducing binding referendums and for participatory budgeting. While Vlaams Belang voters are not significantly different from the non-populist electorate on advisory referendums, citizens’ forums or technocratic reform, PVDA-PTB voters seem more enthusiastic. |
Article |
Emotions and Vote ChoiceAn Analysis of the 2019 Belgian Elections |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 3 2020 |
Trefwoorden | Belgium, elections, emotions, voting behaviour |
Auteurs | Caroline Close en Emilie van Haute |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
This article digs into the relationship between voters’ political resentment and their electoral choice in 2019 by focusing on the respondents’ emotions towards politics. Using the RepResent 2019 voter survey, eight emotions are analysed in their relation to voting behaviour: four negative (anger, bitterness, worry and fear) and four positive (hope, relief, joy and satisfaction). We confirm that voters’ emotional register is at least two-dimensional, with one positive and one negative dimension, opening the possibility for different combinations of emotions towards politics. We also find different emotional patterns across party choices, and more crucially, we uncover a significant effect of emotions (especially negative ones) on vote choice, even when controlling for other determinants. Finally, we look at the effect of election results on emotions and we observe a potential winner vs. loser effect with distinctive dynamics in Flanders and in Wallonia. |
Editorial |
Explaining Vote Choice in the 2019 Belgian ElectionsDemocratic, Populist and Emotional Drivers |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 3 2020 |
Auteurs | Patrick van Erkel, Anna Kern en Guillaume Petit |
Auteursinformatie |
Article |
Getting Party Activists on Local ListsHow Dutch Local Party Branches Perform Their Recruitment Function |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 2 2020 |
Trefwoorden | municipal politics, political parties, candidate lists, local party branches, recruitment |
Auteurs | Simon Otjes, Marcel Boogers en Gerrit Voerman |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
This article examines what explains the performance of Dutch local party branches in the recruitment of candidates for municipal councils. Fielding a list of candidates is the most basic function of political parties. In the Netherlands, party branches are under pressure from the low number of party members. To analyse how branches fulfil their role in recruitment, we employ our own survey of the secretaries of party branches held in the run-up to the 2018 municipal election. We find that party membership drives the successful fulfilment of the recruitment function but that, more than the absolute number of members, the crucial factors are how these party members cooperate, the number of active members and the development of this number. |
Article |
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Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 2 2020 |
Trefwoorden | local politics, local party branches, local elections, gender quotas, Belgium |
Auteurs | Robin Devroe, Silvia Erzeel en Petra Meier |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
This article investigates the feminisation of local politics. Starting from the observation that the representation of women in local electoral politics lags behind the regional and federal level, and taking into account the relevance of local party branches in the recruitment and selection of candidates for elections, we examine the extent to which there is an ‘internal’ feminisation of local party branches and how this links to the ‘external’ feminisation of local electoral politics. Based on surveys among local party chairs, the article maps patterns of feminisation over time and across parties, investigates problems local branches encounter in the recruitment of candidates for local elections, and analyses the (attitudes towards the) measures taken to further the integration of women in local electoral politics. We conclude that internal and external feminisation do not always go hand in hand and that local politics continues to be a male-dominated political biotope. |
Article |
Introduction: Parties at the GrassrootsLocal Party Branches in the Low Countries |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 2 2020 |
Auteurs | Bram Wauters, Simon Otjes en Emilie van Haute |
Auteursinformatie |
Article |
Between Party Democracy and Citizen DemocracyExplaining Attitudes of Flemish Local Chairs Towards Democratic Innovations |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 2 2020 |
Trefwoorden | democratic innovations, citizen participation, local politics, Flanders, Belgium |
Auteurs | Didier Caluwaerts, Anna Kern, Min Reuchamps e.a. |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
As a response to the perceived legitimacy crisis that threatens modern democracies, local government has increasingly become a laboratory for democratic renewal and citizen participation. This article studies whether and why local party chairs support democratic innovations fostering more citizen participation. More specifically, we analyse the relative weight of ideas, interests and institutions in explaining their support for citizen-centred democracy. Based on the Belgian Local Chairs Survey in 2018 (albeit restricting our analysis to Flanders), the central finding is that ideas matter more than interests and institutions. Ideology is alive and kicking with regard to democratic innovation, with socialist and ecologist parties and populist parties being most supportive of participatory arrangements. By contrast, interests and institutions play, at this stage, a minor role in explaining support for participatory innovations. |
Article |
Like Mother, Like Daughter?Linkage Between Local Branches and Their National Party Headquarters in Belgium |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 2 2020 |
Trefwoorden | local branches, national party headquarters, linkage, integration, multilevel parties |
Auteurs | Kristof Steyvers |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
This article scrutinises local-national linkage in Belgium to better understand territorial power relations in multilevel parties. Drawing on a survey of local chairs of national parties, it adopts an innovative, informal and bottom-up approach. The descriptive analysis reveals two central axes in the morphology of linkage: scope (downward support and upward influence) and surplus (benefits versus costs). However, (the valuation of) this interdependence appears as a matter of degree. The explanatory analysis therefore probes into the effect of macro- (between environments), meso- (between parties) and micro- (within parties) level factors. It demonstrates that variance is explained by different parameters. For scope, differences between parties trump those within them. For surplus, specific differences between parties as well as within them matter. The answer to our guiding question is therefore variegated: it depends on for what and for whom. |
Article |
An Actor Approach to MediatizationLinking Politicians’ Media Perceptions, Communication Behaviour and Appearances in the News |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering Online First 2020 |
Trefwoorden | mediatization, politicians, news media, media perceptions, news management |
Auteurs | Pauline Ketelaars en Peter Van Aelst |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
In the light of the broader debate on the mediatization of politics, this study wants to better understand how the media perceptions and media behaviour of politicians are related to their appearances in the news. We opt for an innovative actor-centred approach to actually measure the views and actions of individual politicians. We combine surveys conducted with 142 Belgian representatives with data on politicians’ external communication behaviour and on their appearances in television news, newspapers and news websites. The results show that media behaviour is not so much related to beliefs of media importance. We do find a significant positive relationship between strategic media behaviour and media attention suggesting that politicians who put in more effort appear more often in various news media. However, this positive relationship depends on the specific form of strategic communication and the political position of the legislator. Our study adds to the mediatization literature by showing how and when politicians are successful in obtaining media attention. |
Article |
Interest Representation in BelgiumMapping the Size and Diversity of an Interest Group Population in a Multi-layered Neo-corporatist Polity |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering Online First 2020 |
Trefwoorden | interest groups, advocacy, access, advisory councils, media attention |
Auteurs | Evelien Willems, Jan Beyers en Frederik Heylen |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
This article assesses the size and diversity of Belgium’s interest group population by triangulating four data sources. Combining various sources allows us to describe which societal interests get mobilised, which interest organisations become politically active and who gains access to the policy process and obtains news media attention. Unique about the project is the systematic data collection, enabling us to compare interest representation at the national, Flemish and Francophone-Walloon government levels. We find that: (1) the national government level remains an important venue for interest groups, despite the continuous transfer of competences to the subnational and European levels, (2) neo-corporatist mobilisation patterns are a persistent feature of interest representation, despite substantial interest group diversity and (3) interest mobilisation substantially varies across government levels and political-administrative arenas. |
Article |
Still Consociational? Belgian Democracy, 50 Years After ‘The Politics of Accommodation’ |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 1 2020 |
Trefwoorden | Belgium, consociational democracy, Lijphart, federalism, ethnolinguistic conflict |
Auteurs | Didier Caluwaerts en Min Reuchamps |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
Despite the enduring importance of Lijphart’s work for understanding democracy in Belgium, the consociational model has come under increasing threat. Owing to deep political crises, decreasing levels of trust in elites, increasing levels of ethnic outbidding and rising demands for democratic reform, it seems as if Lijphart’s model is under siege. Even though the consociational solution proved to be very capable of transforming conflict into cooperation in Belgian politics in the past, the question we raise in this article is whether and to what extent the ‘politics of accommodation’ is still applicable to Belgian democracy. Based on an in-depth analysis of the four institutional (grand coalition, proportionality, mutual veto rights and segmental autonomy) and one cultural (public passivity) criteria, we argue that consociational democracy’s very nature and institutional set-up has largely hollowed out its potential for future conflict management. |
Literature Review |
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Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 1 2020 |
Trefwoorden | elections, electoral systems, preference voting, candidates, personalization |
Auteurs | Bram Wauters, Peter Thijssen en Patrick Van Erkel |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
Preference votes constitute one of the key features of (open and flexible) PR-list electoral systems. In this article, we give an extensive overview of studies conducted on preference voting in Belgium and the Netherlands. After elaborating on the definition and delineation of preference voting, we scrutinize studies about which voters cast preference votes (demand side) and about which candidates obtain preference votes (supply side). For each of these aspects, both theoretical approaches and empirical results are discussed and compared. At the same time, we also pay attention to methodological issues in these kinds of studies. As such, this research overview reads as an ideal introduction to this topic which has repercussions on many other subfields of political science. |
Article |
Split-Ticket Voting in BelgiumAn Analysis of the Presence and Determinants of Differentiated Voting in the Municipal and Provincial Elections of 2018 |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 3 2019 |
Trefwoorden | split-ticket voting, local elections, voting motives, Belgium, PR-system |
Auteurs | Tony Valcke en Tom Verhelst |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
This article tackles the particular issue of split-ticket voting, which has been largely overlooked in Belgian election studies thus far. We contribute to the literature by answering two particular research questions: (1) to what extent and (2) why do voters cast a different vote in the elections for the provincial council as compared to their vote in the elections for the municipal council? |
Research Notes |
Sub-Constituency Campaigning in PR SystemsEvidence from the 2014 General Elections in Belgium |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 3 2019 |
Trefwoorden | Sub-constituency campaigning, PR system, political advertisements, election campaign, content analysis |
Auteurs | Jonas Lefevere, Knut De Swert en Artemis Tsoulou-Malakoudi |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
Sub-constituency campaigning occurs when parties focus their campaign resources on specific geographical areas within an electoral district. This behaviour was traditionally thought to occur only in single-member plurality elections, but recent research demonstrates that proportional systems with multi-member districts can also elicit sub-constituency campaigning. However, most studies of sub-constituency campaigning rely on self-reported measures of campaigning, not direct measures of campaign intensity in different regions and communities. We present novel data on geographical variations in the intensity of Flemish parties’ campaign advertising during the 2014 general elections in Belgium, which provides a direct measure of sub-constituency campaigning. Our findings show clear evidence of sub-constituency campaigning: parties campaign more intensely in municipalities where they have stronger electoral support and in municipalities with greater population density. |
Article |
Split Offer and Homogeneous Response in BelgiumThe Conceptual and Empirical Limitations of (De)Nationalization |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 2 2019 |
Trefwoorden | (de-)nationalization, voting behaviour, party offer, voter response, methodological nationalism |
Auteurs | Luana Russo, Kris Deschouwer en Tom Verthé |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
By examining the Belgian case, this article aims to show that methodological nationalism is strongly present in the literature on nationalization of party offer and voting behaviour. In nationalization studies, Belgium is often presented as a typical example of a denationalized country. This is true for the party offer, as it is de facto split between the two language groups since the 1980s, and therefore also voter response at the national level. However, voter response within each separate subnational party system is very homogeneous and shows interesting differences between these party systems that inform us about important electoral dynamics. We argue, on the basis of our results, that rather than stretching the concept of nationalization, it is preferable and justified to treat the concepts of nationalization of the party offer and homogenization of voter response as analytically distinct and not as two sides of the same coin. |
Article |
Fiscal Consolidation in Federal BelgiumCollective Action Problem and Solutions |
Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 2 2019 |
Trefwoorden | fiscal consolidation, fiscal policy, federalism, intergovernmental relations, High Council of Finance |
Auteurs | Johanna Schnabel |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
Fiscal consolidation confronts federal states with a collective action problem, especially in federations with a tightly coupled fiscal regime such as Belgium. However, the Belgian federation has successfully solved this collective action problem even though it lacks the political institutions that the literature on dynamic federalism has identified as the main mechanisms through which federal states achieve cooperation across levels of government. This article argues that the regionalization of the party system, on the one hand, and the rationalization of the deficit problem by the High Council of Finance, on the other, are crucial to understand how Belgium was able to solve the collective action problem despite its tightly coupled fiscal regime and particularly high levels of deficits and debts. The article thus emphasizes the importance of compromise and consensus in reducing deficits and debts in federal states. |
Article |
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Tijdschrift | Politics of the Low Countries, Aflevering 1 2019 |
Trefwoorden | Belgium, political parties, party membership, political participation, political representation |
Auteurs | Emilie Van Haute en Bram Wauters |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
Belgium has long been described as a typical case of a consociational or consensus democracy. This article aims at identifying whether political parties in Belgium share the internal characteristics of parties in consensus democracies: passive mass memberships, the importance of purposive and material incentives for joining, and representation of a clear subculture in the social and attitudinal profiles of their members and via overlapping memberships with related organizations. We mobilize longitudinal party membership data and party member surveys conducted in three different time periods. We show that pillar parties still exercise their role of mobilization and representation of societal segments, but these segments tend to become smaller over time. New parties offer alternative options of mobilization and representation, although not always in line with the specific institutional arrangements of consociational democracy. |
Article |
Ze halen hun slag wel thuisOver particratie en het aanpassingsvermogen van Belgische partijen |
Tijdschrift | Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2018 |
Trefwoorden | dealignment, electoral support, federalism, gender, particracy, personalisation |
Auteurs | Jean-Benoit Pilet en Petra Meier |
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie |
Particracy has been widely used to describe Belgian politics after World War II. Yet, Belgian politics has changed. We examine five changes – the federalisation of the state architecture, diversification of the demos, erosion of political support, party’s dealignment and personalisation of politics – to evaluate how they have affected particracy in Belgium. The answer is twofold: particracy is still very strong, but it has changed. The three traditional party families that had institutionalised particracy in Belgium (Christian-democrats, socialists and liberals) had to face new challengers. They co-opted the most moderate ones (greens, regionalists), while excluding others (radical right/left). Intraparty democracy/participatory/transparency reforms, or changes to the electoral system, all of them opening the political system, were also implemented, but parties were able to overcome them. Yet, the ever-growing gap between traditional parties and citizens and the growth of new parties building upon voters’ dissatisfaction with traditional parties, may put particracy more radically into question. |