Zoekresultaat: 33 artikelen

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Artikel

Access_open Opkomst en voortbestaan van de Derde Weg

Het raadsel van de missende veren

Tijdschrift Beleid en Maatschappij, Aflevering 3 2016
Trefwoorden Derde Weg, Sociaaldemocratie, Partij van de Arbeid, Communitarisme, Ideologie, Nederlandse politiek
Auteurs Drs. Merijn Oudenampsen
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    In the 1990’s, the Dutch social democrats were trailblazers of what became known internationally as the politics of the Third Way, a new middle course between social democracy and neoliberalism. From the start, the Dutch Third Way distinguished itself from its Anglo-Saxon counterparts by its implicit character. The Dutch social democrat party (Partij van de Arbeid, PvdA) never fully embraced the Third Way and has sought to downplay the idea of a break with traditional social democratic thinking, combining Third Way practice with more classical social democratic rhetoric. The resulting political ambiguity, this paper argues, is at the centre of the present identity crisis of the social democrat party. Even though Third Way ideology has at times been declared dead, the range of attitudes, strategies and policy proposals that were introduced under its banner, still play a vital and prominent role in Dutch politics. While in the UK and the US, communitarianism was from the very beginning a defining feature of the Third Way, in the Netherlands this only came to the fore in 2012 under the leadership of Samsom and Asscher, and in the plea for a participation society under the Rutte II government. Leading us to conclude that the reports of the Third Way’s death are greatly exaggerated.


Drs. Merijn Oudenampsen
Merijn Oudenampsen is promovendus bij het Departement Cultuurwetenschappen van Tilburg University.
Article

Van Volksunie (VU) naar Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie (N-VA)

Een analyse van de ideologische opvattingen van hun partijleden

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 3 2016
Trefwoorden regionalist parties, party ideology, elections, party members, Belgium
Auteurs Bram Wauters en Nicolas Bouteca
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    The electoral rise of the Belgian regionalist party New-Flemish Alliance (N-VA) from scratch to the country’s largest party is remarkable. We explore here to what extent the party has shifted in ideological terms compared to its less successful predecessor VU. We make use of party member survey data (a dynamic indicator of a party’s position). We distinguish three factors that impact on parties’ positions: institutional reforms, the influx of new members and changes in the internal power distribution. The results show a clear change: on each of the five policy dimensions (centre-periphery, socio-economic, moral-ethical, post-materialist and migration issues), significant differences could be found.


Bram Wauters
Bram Wauters is professor aan het Departement Politieke Wetenschappen van de Universiteit Gent. Hij is hoofd van de Ghent Association for the Study of Parties and Representation (GASPAR).

Nicolas Bouteca
Nicolas Bouteca is professor aan de vakgroep Politieke Wetenschappen van de UGent en lid van de Ghent Association for the Study of Parties and Representation (GASPAR). Hij publiceerde eerder over ideologie, politieke partijen, electorale competitie en het Belgisch federalisme.
Artikel

De slagkracht van populisme. Een onderzoek naar de houding tegenover populisme bij jongeren en jongvolwassenen in Vlaanderen

Tijdschrift Beleid en Maatschappij, Aflevering 1 2016
Trefwoorden public opinion, Populism, Democracy, adolescents and young adults, political attitudes
Auteurs Gil Keppens, Dr. Jessy Siongers, Dr. Bram Spruyt e.a.
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    Populism is usually studied by investigating the political discourses of parties considered to be populist. In contrast, this paper attempts to measure the support for a populist attitude among adolescents and young adults (age 14 to 30) in Flanders (N = 2618), the Dutch speaking part of Belgium. This paper answers two research questions: (1) Which adolescents and young adults support the populist attitude and which are the core elements of populism that get the most support? (2) To what extent are adolescents and young adults who support the core elements of populism willing to be politically engaged? The results show that: (1) the support for the populist attitude is widespread among young people in Flanders, and (2) the relationship between a support for populism and political engagement is nuanced. Implications of the support of the populist attitude for democratic participation are discussed.


Gil Keppens
Gil Keppens is als doctoraatsstudent verbonden aan de onderzoeksgroep TOR van de Vrije Universiteit Brussel.

Dr. Jessy Siongers
Dr. Jessy Siongers is als doctoraal assistente verbonden aan de vakgroep Sociologie van de Universiteit Gent.

Dr. Bram Spruyt
Dr. Bram Spruyt is docent bij de onderzoeksgroep TOR van de Vrije Universiteit Brussel.

Lauren Vandenbossche
Lauren Vandenbossche is als doctoraatsstudent verbonden aan de onderzoeksgroep TOR van de Vrije Universiteit Brussel.

Filip Van Droogenbroeck
Filip Van Droogenbroeck is als doctoraatsstudent verbonden aan de onderzoeksgroep TOR van de Vrije Universiteit Brussel.
Article

Ideologische inertie op links, flexibiliteit op rechts?

Een onderzoek naar de mate van programmatische flexibiliteit bij liberalen en socialisten in België

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2015
Trefwoorden ideology, manifestos, party change, Belgium
Auteurs Nicolas Bouteca
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    In order to win elections political parties sometimes adapt their policy platforms to a changing society. But according to some scholars left-wing parties are in this regard more reluctant than right-wing parties. The former would show less programmatic flexibility than the latter. Other authors nuance this difference and state that leftist parties are ideologically more volatile at one moment and rightist parties at another time. In this article we empirically test whether rightist parties show more programmatic flexibility than leftist parties. We make use of an in depth quantitative analysis of the socio-economic policy proposals of the Belgian liberal and social-democratic parties between 1961 and 2010. We find that the right-wing liberal party indeed makes larger programmatic changes. The intensity of the ties with social groups such as trade unions is probably the most important variable to explain this difference.


Nicolas Bouteca
Nicolas Bouteca promoveerde in 2011 op een proefschrift over ideologische convergentie. Momenteel werkt hij als docent aan de vakgroep politieke wetenschappen van de Universiteit Gent en is hij lid van de onderzoeksgroep GASPAR. Zijn interesses zijn: ideologie, politieke partijen, electorale competitie en het Belgisch federalisme.

    Reflection and Debate initiates academically inspired discussions on issues that are on the current policy agenda.


Prof. dr. Tannelie Blom
Prof. dr. Tannelie Blom is hoogleraar European Studies aan de Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences van de Universiteit Maastricht
Artikel

Klein maar fijn?

De effecten van kleinschaligheid op het karakter van politiek en democratie

Tijdschrift Beleid en Maatschappij, Aflevering 4 2013
Trefwoorden State Size, Dutch Caribbean Islands, Democracy, Good Governance, Personalistic Politics
Auteurs Dr. Wouter Veenendaal
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    Whereas the six Dutch islands in the Caribbean all have a (very) limited population size, analyses of political problems on the islands rarely seem to take the variable of state size into account. The available academic literature demonstrates that the population size of states has a strong influence on the quality of democratic governance, although scholars disagree on the question whether smallness is an asset or an obstacle to democratic development. After a discussion of this theoretical literature, the present article proceeds with a presentation of field research in three small island states (St. Kitts and Nevis, Seychelles, and Palau) in which the political consequences of a limited population size are analyzed. This analysis reveals that a number of size-related effects can be observed in all three examined island states, among which a tendency to personalistic competition, strong polarization between parties and politicians, particularistic relationships between voters and their representatives, and a dominant position of the political executive vis-à-vis other institutions. A subsequent analysis of the contemporary political situation on the Dutch Caribbean islands shows that the observed problems also play a role on these islands, which indicates that smallness is perhaps of greater significance than is now often supposed.


Dr. Wouter Veenendaal
Wouter Veenendaal is docent bij het Instituut Politieke Wetenschap van de Universiteit Leiden. In de afgelopen drie jaar is hij als promovendus werkzaam geweest bij hetzelfde instituut. Zijn promotieonderzoek heeft betrekking op de invloed van bevolkingsgrootte op de ontwikkeling en consolidatie van democratie, met daarin een specifieke focus op politiek en democratie in microstaten. E-mail: veenendaalwp@fsw.leidenuniv.nl.
Article

Gender en etniciteit in de Tweede Kamer: streefcijfers en groepsvertegenwoordiging

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 3 2013
Trefwoorden quotas, target numbers, political representation, affirmative action, ethnicity, gender
Auteurs Liza Mügge en Alyt Damstra
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    Women and ethnic minorities are underrepresented in national parliaments around the world. Interestingly, in the Netherlands ethnic minority women are better represented than ethnic minority men and ethnic majority women. The Netherlands did not adopt gender quotas, but some parties implemented target numbers. Drawing on document analysis and interviews, this article explores whether parties that encourage women’s representation are also likely to increase the number of ethnic minority representatives. It finds that party-specific factors such as a left or social democratic ideology, the institutionalization of gender and/or ethnicity within the party and the party’s vision on group representation are intertwined. Parties that actively encourage women’s representation are more inclined to openly acknowledge the importance of ethnic diversity. This especially favours ethnic minority women, who benefit from the strong embedding of gender. In the end gender determines the success of the ethnic card in political representation.


Liza Mügge
Liza Mügge is universitair docent aan de afdeling politicologie van de Universiteit van Amsterdam en Associate Director van het Amsterdam Research Center for Gender & Sexuality (ARC-GS).

Alyt Damstra
Alyt Damstra volgt de Research Master Social Sciences en is student-assistent aan de afdeling politicologie van de Universiteit van Amsterdam.
Artikel

The past, present and future of the Big Society

Een ideeëngeschiedenis met betekenis voor Nederland

Tijdschrift Bestuurskunde, Aflevering 1 2013
Trefwoorden Big Society, political ideas, agenda-setting
Auteurs Peter Franklin en Peter Noordhoek
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    This article explores the intellectual, political and pragmatic origins of the concept Big Society. The authors argue that although the concept has become intertwined with the political ideas of UK’s Prime Minister David Cameron, the concept has also become firmly rooted in society and is thus likely to survive the political life of Cameron. Also outside the UK, the concept has acquired political attention. The authors explore the meaning of Big Society for the Netherlands. Thus far, the concept has reached the political agenda, but time will tell how the concept succeeds to sustain.


Peter Franklin
P. Franklin is a political researcher and speechwriter specialising in social and environmental issues. A former member of the Conservative Research Department and Policy Unit, he now works in the House of Commons. All views expressed in this article are his own.

Peter Noordhoek
P. Noordhoek is directeur van Northedge BV.

    The assassination of Pim Fortuyn and the electoral breakthrough of his Lijst Pim Fortuyn sent shockwaves through the Netherlands in May 2002. This article assesses the influence Fortuyn has had on Dutch politics and society. It provides an overview of the research that has been conducted on this topic over the past decade and relates the findings of previous studies to research on the consequences of the emergence of radical right-wing populist parties on West European party systems.


Sarah de Lange
Sarah L. de Lange is als universitair docente verbonden aan de afdeling politicologie, Universiteit van Amsterdam, s.l.de.lange@uva.nl.
Artikel

De wedergeboorte van de fact-free politics

Pim Fortuyn en de nieuwe tegencultuur (2002-2012)

Tijdschrift Beleid en Maatschappij, Aflevering 2 2012
Trefwoorden politieke cultuur, Pim Fortuyn, fact-free politics, personalisering, anti-establishment ressentiment
Auteurs Prof. dr. Dick Houtman, Dr. Peter Achterberg en Roy Kemmers Msc.
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    In this paper we analyze Fortuyn’s political inheritance in the Netherlands. Going beyond the mere electoral popularity of his neo-rightist successors, we analyze the changing political culture since Fortuyn entered the political stage. More specifically we show that his ideological beliefs – Fortuyn voiced an unprecedented combination of liberal views towards homosexuals and gender equality with critical views pertaining to immigration, and he was critical of political and administrative elites – caught on in current Dutch politics. Moreover, his highly personal communicative style, placing him outside the inner circle of Dutch politics underscoring his adversity to these political elites, also caught on in mainstream political campaigning. This new personal style, however, did not mean a demise of ideology. On the contrary, Fortuyn actively tried to appeal to the electorate with ideals and ideology – hence marking the rebirth of the so-called ‘fact-free politics’ after the de-ideologized purple governments in the Netherlands. Since Fortuyn, mainly parties on the right side of the political spectrum have followed this path of re-ideologization. The paper ends with a comparison of the counterculture originating in the 1960s and post-Fortuyn right-wing politics, which surprisingly shows great continuity. We therefore argue that we are currently witnessing a veritable counterculture 2.0.


Prof. dr. Dick Houtman
Dick Houtman is hoogleraar cultuursociologie aan het Centre for Rotterdam Cultural Sociology (CROCUS), Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam. Correspondentiegegevens: Prof. dr. D. Houtman, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, Postbus 1738, 3000 DR Rotterdam. www.dickhoutman.nl. houtman@fsw.eur.nl.

Dr. Peter Achterberg
Peter Achterberg is universitair hoofddocent cultuursociologie aan het Centre for Rotterdam Cultural Sociology (CROCUS), Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam. Correspondentiegegevens: Dr. P. Achterberg, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, Postbus 1738, 3000 DR Rotterdam www.peterachterberg.com. achterberg@fsw.eur.nl.

Roy Kemmers Msc.
Roy Kemmers is promovendus cultuursociologie aan het Centre for Rotterdam Cultural Sociology (CROCUS), Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam. Correspondentiegegevens: R. Kemmers, Msc., Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, Postbus 1738, 3000 DR Rotterdam. kemmers@fsw.eur.nl.

    In managing new cleavages between conflicting values (such as materialism and post-materialism), we cannot simply fall back on a classical approach to cleavage management. The segments surrounding the new cleavage are clearly more fluid than those surrounding the religious or socio-economic cleavages from consociationalism and neo-corporatism, such as is rightly emphasised in the network approach. In the conflict between the materialist and post-materialist value pattern, representation logic is not a given certainty. Not only the facts, but also the negotiating players and the decision-making arenas are the subject of negotiation and strategic action. This is reflected in the new forms of consultation politics. Similarly, consensus formation cannot make do with the (party) political integration of the segments because, given the conditions of post-materialism, this integration can only be partial. It seems important in the new cleavage management to devote attention to the existence of several arenas in which political interests are weighed up. For the players involved in a particular policy issue, this means the lure of strategic forum shopping and thus complication of the conflict-resolving ability of each of the forums.


Johan Weggeman
Johan Weggeman is verbonden aan de opleiding bestuurskunde van de Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam. Hij studeerde politicologie aan de Universiteit Leiden en promoveerde als bestuurskundige aan de Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam. De titel van zijn proefschrift luidt Controversiële Besluitvorming (Lemma 2003). Adres: Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, opleiding bestuurskunde, postbus 1738, 3000 DR Rotterdam, tel: 010 4082635, e-mail: weggeman@fsw.eur.nl
Article

Klasse is niet dood – Zij is levend begraven

Klassengebonden stemgedrag en cultureel stemgedrag in westerse samenlevingen (1956-1990)

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2007
Auteurs Jeroen van der Waal, Peter Achterberg en Dick Houtman
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    By means of a re-analysis of the most relevant data source (Nieuwbeerta & Ganzeboom 1996), this paper criticizes the newly grown consensus in political sociology that class voting has declined since World War II. An increase of crosscutting cultural voting, rooted in educational differences, rather than a decline of class voting proves responsible for the decline of the traditional class-party alignments. Moreover, income differences have not become less, but more consequential for voting behavior during this period. It is concluded that the new consensus has been built on quicksand. Class is not dead – it has been buried alive under the increasing weight of cultural voting, systematically misinterpreted as a decline of class voting, due to the widespread application of the Alford index.


Jeroen van der Waal
Promovendus aan de vakgroep Sociologie, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam.

Peter Achterberg
Post-doctoraal onderzoeker aan de vakgroep Sociologie, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam.

Dick Houtman
Universitair hoofddocent aan de vakgroep Sociologie, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam.
Article

Populisme en de ambivalentie van het egalitarisme

Hoe rijmen sociaal zwakkeren een rechtse partijvoorkeur met hun sociaal-economische attitudes?

Tijdschrift Res Publica, Aflevering 4 2005
Auteurs Anton Derks
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    The decline of traditional class voting is at the centre of the Class Politics debate. From the framework of traditional class analysis a labourer’s right wing vote appears ‘unnatural’. A right wing vote is thought to damage the interests of the economically precarious groups. This paper attempts to understand the phenomenon of so-called unnatural voting behaviour starting from the populism concept. From a theoretical literature study we analyse the relationship between populism and attitudes regarding the economic left-right cleavage. We argue that right-wing populism appeals to a cry for equality, yet at the same time mobilises this sentiment against the institutions of the welfare state. In that way populist right parties succeed in attuning their economic discourse to the socio-economic attitudes of broad layers of the population, including economically precarious categories. The empirical relevance of this hypothesis is tested on the case of Flanders.


Anton Derks
Postdoctoraal Onderzoeker FWO-Vlaanderen aan de Vrije Universiteit Brussel.
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